THE  ORDER  AND  THE  CIGAR-MAKERS 


CIRCULAE  AND  STATEMENT  BY  THE  GENERAL  EXECUTIVE 
BOARD,  TOGETHER  WITH  THE  TESTIMONY  RECENTLY 
TAKEN  CONCERNING  THE  TROUBLE  GROWING  OUT  OF 
THE  LOCK-OUT  DECLARED  ON  FEBRUARY  18,  1886, 

BY  THE  UNITED  CIGAR  MANUFACTURERS’ 
ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Philadelphia,  Pa.,  July  2,  1886. 

To  the  Order  everywhere,  Greeting: 

The  General  Executive  Board  has  decided  to  issue  the  following  circular 
that  our  members  may  fully  understand  the  exact  position  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor  and  its  relation  to  the  International  Cigar-makers’  Union. 

On  March  3d,  Messrs.  Strasser,  Kirchner  and  other  officers  of  the  Inter- 
national Cigar-makers’  Union  met  with  the  General  Executive  Board,  in 
Philadel]ffiia,  and  made  complaint  that  unfair  people  were  organized  into  the 
Order.  After  an  all-day  session  on  the  case,  we  promised,  as  soon  as  time  and 
opportunity  would  permit,  to  go  to  New  York,  make  an  investigation,  and,  if 
proven  that  such  charges  were  well  founded,  to  revoke  their  charter,  for  this 
organization  will  not  be  made  a refuge  for  unprincipled  and  unfair  people. 

The  first  act  of  Mr.  Strasser  after  leaving  us,  and  before  his  complaint  could 
get  any  consideration,  was  to  issue  a letter  and  mail  it  to  Brother  Powderly  in 
New  York  City,  when  he  was  positive  Powderly  was  still  in  Philadelphia;  all 
,of  which  proved  conclusively  that  he  had  no  confidence  in  the  proposed  investi- 
gation vindicating  his  complaints.  The  letter  was  dated  March  6th,  and  may 
be  found  in  the  minutes  of  the  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly,  page  30. 

Since  the  date  of  the  above  letter,  Mr.  Strasser  and  his  colleagues  have  been 
constantly  sending  circulars  and  men  through  the  Order  to  boycott  all  goods 
except  those  bearing  their  International  blue  label,  and  have  charged  the 
General  Master  Workman  and  the  balance  of  the  General  Executive  Board 
with  co-operating  in  the  organization  of  scabs  into  the  Order. 

The  officers  of  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  knew  ^\ben  they  were 
flinging  their  charges  broadcast  that  there  were  upwards  of  60,000  members  of 


O 

\ 


2 


tiie  Knights  of  Labor  and  trade  unions  engaged  in  .a  life  and  death  struggle 
for  living  wages.  The  Southwest  strike  was  in  progress.  And  at  that  time,  when 
it  was  the  plain  duty  of  every  man  (with  a spark  of  union  feeling  in  his  breast) 
to  stretch  forth  the  hand  of  sympathy,  the  chief  officers  of  the  Cigar-makers’ 
International  Union  (to  their  eternal  shame  be  it  said)  refused  to  exercise  a 
moment’s  patience,  and  violated  every  principle  of  unionism  by  charging  on 
our  rear,  while  the  militia  of  Illinois,  in  obedience  to  the  order  from  corporate 
wealth,  were  drowning  the  cry  of  the  oppressed  in  the  roar  of  musketry,  and 
feeding  the  hungry  with  cold  lead  and  steel.  Such  conduct  cannot  be  explained. 
Nowhere  in  the  history  of  the  labor  movement  does  its  parallel  exist.  But 
one  reason  can  be  assigned  for  the  unaccountable  actions  of  the  officers  of  the 
International  Union,  and  that  is  that  men  who  indulge  to  excess  in  the  use 
of  intoxicants  cannot  transact  business  with  cool  heads.  On  two  occasions  the 
men  who  came  to  Philadelphia  to  confer  with  the  General  Executive  Board 
were  too  full  for  utterance.  The  General  Executive  Board  has  never  had 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  with  Mr.  Gompers  when  he  was  sober. 

What  these  men  expect  to  accomplish  by  their  acts  and  efforts  to  destroy 
the  Knights  of  Labor  is  hard  to  understand,  the  Order  being  the  power  that 
has  made  it  possible  for  their  Union  to  prosper. 

All  offers  made  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  harmony  were  rejected  and  scorned 
by  the  officers  of  the  International  Union,  saying  their  Constitution  will  not 
allow  them  to  work  with  Knights  of  Labor  who  are  not  members  of  the  Inter- 
national Union.  We  then  requested  them  to  change  their  Constitution  so  as 
to  enable  them  to  receive  our  cards  on  equality. 

We  have  never  discriminated  in  the  past  in  favor  of  our  label  as  against 
theirs — only  asked  that  our  members  see  that  cigars  bear  a union  label,  assuring 
them  that  the  goods  were  made  by  honest  labor.  The  position  we  have  always 
occupied,  and  still  adhere  to,  is  that  our  cards  be  received  on  an  equality  with 
theirs ; that  our  members  be  allowed  to  work  in  shops  under  the  control  of  the 
International  Union,  and  vice  versa.  In  other  words,  we  are  willing  to  place 
our  organization,  with  its  hundreds  of  thousands  of  members,  on  the  same  foot- 
ing with  their  organization,  containing  but  18,000. 

Up  to  the  present  we  have  not  said  or  done  anything  to  the  injury  of  this 
Cigar-makers’  Union ; neither  do  we  intend  to  lay  a straw  in  the  way  of  the 
success  of  that  or  any  other  organization.  But,  in  defence  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  and  our  actions  as  General  Officers,  it  is  necessary  that  the  Order  should 
hear  a full  statement  of  the  facts  bearing  on  the  case.  With  that  purpose  ip 
view,  we  have  compiled  a full  and  complete  review  of  all  the  facts  elicited 
through  the  investigation  made  by  the  General  Executive  Board  as  to  the 
cause  of  the  trouble  and  complaints  made  by  the  Executive  Officers  of  th^ 
International  Union,  a copy  of  which  is  mailed  with  this.  And  we  trust  that 
every  person  in  the  Order  will  read  this  statement,  so  that  if  the  Inter-; 


c 

X 


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3 

national  Union  charge  that  we  are  organizing  scabs,  rats  or  black  sheep,  the 
Order  and  its  officers  can  be  defended. 

The  pressure  of  duty  upon  the  Board  made  it  impossible  to  go  to  New  York 
until  March  13th,  when  Brothers  Hayes,  Bailey  and  Barry  left  Philadelphia. 
The  investigation  was  begun  on  March  16th,  after  due  notice  had  been  given 
to  the  parties  interested.  It  was  continued  with  intervals  until  near  the  meet- 
ing of  the  General  Assembly  on  May  24th,  when  we  were  compelled  to  close 
the  case,  notwithstanding  that  the  Bepresentatives  of  D.  A.  49  had  not  been 
fully  heard — a fact  which,  nevertheless,  is  of  little  moment,  as  nearly  all  the 
testimony  directed  against  that  District  Assembly  was  merely  based  on  hearsay 
evidence. 

Knights  of  Labor  must  not  boycott  goods  bearing  either  the  blue  seal  or 
white  label  of  the  Order.  This  order  is  imperative,  and  must  be  obeyed. 


jr 

4 


T.  V.  POWDEBLY, 
FBEDEBICK  TUBNEB, 
JOHN  W.  HAYES, 

W.  H.  BAILEY, 

T.  B.  BABBY, 

General  Executive  Board. 


REYIEW  OF  THE  TESTIMONY 


On  January  2d,  1886,  the  United  Cigar  Manufacturers  of  New  York  City, 
consisting  of  sixteen  shops  and  employing  6,000  hands,  posted  a new  price  list 
which  effected  a considerable  reduction  in  the  prices  paid  previously.  This 
exdited,  as  might  have  been  expected,  much  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
employees,  composed  of  members  of  the  Order,  International  Cigar-makers’ 
Union,  Progressive  Union  and  non-unionists.  No  one  intended  to  put  up  with 
the  reduction  ; the  only  difficulty  seemed  to  be  in  getting  united  action.  The 
two  Unions  had  for  a long  time  been  engaged  in  a Kilkenny-cat  fight,  and  any 
means  by  which  one  could  get  the  better  of  the  other  appeared  justified.  Each 
Union  for  itself  and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost  had  hitherto  been  the  practice; 
consequently,  neither  trusted  the  other. 

This  fact  alone  would  have  justified  not  only  the  interference  of  the  Central 
Labor  Union  of  New  York,  but  especially  of  the  Executive  Committee  of 
D.  A.  49,  under  whose  jurisdiction  one  of  the  Cigar-makers’  Locals,  (No.  2814,) 
and  many  others  interested  in  cigar-making,  belonged.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
however,  the  District  took  no  action  until  the  trouble  was  at  an  end. 

On  January  4th,  Progressive  Union  No.  1 wrote  to  the  different  Locals 
of  the  International,  asking  for  a conference  with  a view  to  united  action, 
as  follows : 

To  Progressive  International  Union  No.  10,  Cigar-makers^  International  Union  of  America, 

Fred.  Haller,  Secretary : 

Gentlemen  : — The  undersigned  was  instructed,  in  a special  meeting  of  the  Executive 
of  Union  No.  1,  Cigar-makers’  Progressive  Union  of  America,  held  on  January  3,  1886,  to 
request  all  cigar-makers’  and  packers’  organizations  of  this  city  to  take  united  action  in 
regard  to  the  revised  price  list  of  the  Manufacturers’  Association.  We,  therefore,  send  this 
request  to  your  body  also.  Hoping  that  you  wdll  recognize  the  necessity  of  united  measures 
in  this  important  question,  I remain  yours,  fraternally, 

L.  JABLINOWSKI,  Corresponding  Secretary. 

P.  S. — Address  all  correspondence  to  156  East  Fourth  street. 

No  answer  was  received  except  from  No.  10,  to  the  effect  that  they  would 
oppose  the  new  price  list,  but  no  action  could  be  taken  until  the  affiliated 
Unions  had  been  consulted,  as  follows : 

New  York,  Jan.  6,  1885. 

Mr.  Ludwig  Jab  lino  wski.  Secretary  Cigar-makers’  Progressive  Union  No.  1 : 

Sir  : — Your  favor  of  the  4th  inst.  received.  I am  instructed  to  say  that  Union  No.  10 
has  decided  to  oppose  the  price  list  offered  by  the  manufacturers,  but,  being  affiliated  with 
the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  of  America,  is  bound  by  the  Constitution  of  that 


6 


organization  ; hence  can  take  no  definite  action  on  the  matter  before  us  until  it  has  been 
passed  upon  by  the  affiliated  Local  Unions.  I am,  respectfully, 

FRED.  HALLER,  Corresponding  Secretary. 

On  January  13th  a joint  committee  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  and  Pro- 
gressive Union  had  a conference  with  the  International  Union  Committee. 
This  conference  had  little  result,  except  that  the  Internationals  informed  the 
other  representatives  that  their  Union  intended  to  call  out  the  workers  in  Levy 
Bros.’  factory,  and  deal  with  the  whole  trouble  alone ; or,  as  a witness  puts  it, 
that  the  International  was  the  only  Union  in  the  cigar-making  trade,  and  no 
one  else  had  anything  to  say  about  it! — an  assumption  which  was  evidently 
not  admitted  by  the  Progressives  and  Central  Labor  Union,  for  before  the 
conference  was  broken  up  an  understanding  was  arrived  at  that  nothing  should 
be  done  by  one  side  unless  the  other  members  were  notified.  [See  testimony 
in  behalf  of  the  Progressive  Union  and  Knights  of  Labor,  also  Herman’s 
testimony.] 

Two  days  afterwards  Levy’s  shop  (where  the  two  Unions  were  nearly  equal) 
was  called  out  by  the  Internationals,  who  requested  the  Progressives  to  call 
out  Love’s,  a strict  Progressive  shop  with  over  500  hands.  The  latter  natu- 
rally objected  to  this  proceeding,  as  it  would  have  compelled  them  to  pay  all 
the  strike  benefits.  Instead,  Brown  & Earle’s  was  struck,  where  the  Inter- 
nationals had  a portion  of  the  hands.  The  workers  in  both  shops  endorsed 
these  calls.  Not  so,  however,  those  in  Love’s,  which  the  Internationals  after- 
ward attempted  to  strike,  but  unsuccessfully.  On  the  morning  of  January 
15th,  the  International  Strike  Committee  did  actually  proceed  to  confer  with 
the  manufacturers.  The  evidence  goes  to  prove  that  this  conference  was 
intended  to  be  secret,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Progressives  or  Centrals. 
The  latter  committees,  nevertheless,  discovered  that  such  a meeting  was  to  be 
held,  and  were  present.  The  only  result  was  a notification  on  the  part  of  the 
manufacturers  that,  unless  Levy’s  and  Brown  & Earle’s  shops  were  supplied 
.with  hands,  a lock-out  would  be  declared  in  three  days.  The  lock-out  was 
declared  in  all  the  shops  of  the  United  Cigar  Manufacturers  on  January  18th. 
Just  previous  or  after  this  event  the  Internationals  actually  did  enter  into  an 
arrangement  with  Kerbs  & Spiess,  (where  there'  was  only  one  member  of  their 
Union,)  by  which  the  shop  was  made  strict  InternationahUnion,  which  meant 
that  no  one  but  an  International  could  work  there.  Many  who  refused  to 
join  the  Union  were  discharged,  including  eighty  Progressives  and  three  hun- 
dred non-unionists.  It  is  asserted  by  witnesses,  and  not  contradicted,  that  the 
shop  was  organized  by  the  aid  of  police  and  foreman,  who  bulldozed  those  that 
remained  into  joining  the  Internationals.  A week  later  the  Strike  Committee 
of  the  Internationals  paid  a secret  visit  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Oppenheimer,  of 
Levy  Brothers,  and  made  overtures  to  make  a similar  arrangement  with  his 
shop.  [See  Mr.  OppenheimePs  affidavit.]  Another  conference  was  held 


7 


between  the  two  Unions  at  about  this  time,  but  it  came  to  nothing,  as  the 
Internationals  refused  to  consider  a Union  shop  one  in  which  either  Unions 
had  control  or  worked — a proposition  similar  to  the  one  made  by  representa- 
tives of  our  Order.  The  Internationals  would  not  recognize  the  cards  of  any 
organization  but  their  own.  They  were  in  favor  of  peace,  of  the  lion  lying 
down  with  the  lamb,  but  the  lamb  must  be  inside  of  the  lion.  The  Pro- 
gressives rightly  conjectured,  therefore,  that  the  Internationals  were  more 
intent  on  wiping  them  out  than  on  the  general  welfare  of  the  trade  or  getting 
the  better  of  the  manufacturers. 

The  lock-out  had  continued  about  two  weeks,  when  the  manufacturers  issued 
a public  notice  requesting  a settlement  by  arbitration,  at  which  no  serious  at- 
tempts had  been  made  up  to  this  time,  notwithstanding  there  were  two  Local 
Assemblies  of  our  Order  connected  with  the  two  Unions,  and  members  of  the 
Strike  Committees  passed  for  Knights.  It  was  perfectly  proper,  therefore, 
that  the  manufacturers’  proposition  was  met  half  way  by  the  Central  Labor 
Union  and  Progressive  Committees,  who  held  a conference  with  the  manufac- 
turers at  the  Grand  Union  Hotel  on  February  5th.  It  is  asserted  on  the  part 
of  the  Internationals  that  their  committee  had  no  notice  of  this  meeting,  while 
a Progressive  witness  positively  testifies  to  the  contrary.  Be  that  as  it  may, 
and  it  would  appear  that  the  Internationals  had  forfeited  by  their  previous 
conduct  all  claims  to  any  recognition  whatever,  the  Grand  Union  conference 
was  the  first  bona-fide  effort  at  arbitration,  and  resulted,  after  two  attempts,  in  a 
settlement,  ratified  by  the  great  majority  of  the  hands  in  the  sixteen  shops 
locked  out.  It  was  agreed  that  there  should  be  a readjustment  or  equalization 
of  prices  in  all  the  sixteen  sho])S,  on  the  basis  of  prices  paid  prior  to  January 
2d,  1886,  before  there  was  any  trouble.  This  equalization  was  effected  under 
the  supervision  of  the  two  Strike  Committees  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  and 
Progressive  Union  and  the  difierent  Shop  Committees.  The  admitted  result 
was  that  the  prices  were  actually  raised  in  all  but  three  shops — Levy’s,  IMcCoy’s, 
and  Brown  & Earle’s,  where  there  was  a slight  reduction.  Even  in  these,  it 
seems  to  be  shown  that  . the  lowering  only  took  place  on  cigars  which  are 
made  to  but  a limited  extent ; that  the  average  prices  are  as  high  as  those  which 
obtained  before  the  reduction,  and  as  at  present  ruling  in  Kerbs  & Sjness’,  which 
is  a strict  International  shop. 

The  lock-out  was  declared  at  an  end  on  February  1 2th  to  14th  by  the  committees 
of  the  Central  Labor  Union  and  Progressive  Union  and  by  the  United  Manufac- 
turers’ Association,  respectively.  In  all  the  shops,  except  the  three  above  men- 
tioned, all  the  hands  went  back  to  work,  including  the  Internationals.  The  three 
shops  were  struck  by  the  International  Committee,  (which  had  no  hesitation  in 
allowing  the  acceptance  of  the  new  price  list  in  the  other  shops,  thus  virtually 
consenting  to  it,)  and,  as  a consequence,  the  International  hands  refused  to 
return.  All  the  other  hands  resumed  work,  including  the  packers.  The  asser- 


8 


tion  that  the  latter  were  forced  by  D.  A.  49  to  go  back  is  cut  out  of  the  whole 
cloth.  The  statement  is  simply  based  on  alleged  hearsay  testimony.  It  was 
told  to  them  by  the  packers,  testify  the  International  Union  witnesses.  Why 
was  not  a single  one  of  these  packers  produced  as  a witness?  As  it  is  admitted 
that  the  packers  (of  No.  2)  did  not  join  the  Order  until  after  they  had  re-  / 
sumed,  it  is  ridiculous  to  presume  that  the  District  Assembly  officers  had  any 
authority  over  them  sufficient  at  least  to  “ bulldoze  ” them. 

This  was  the  status  of  the  three  shops  at  the  time  of  the  lock-out: 


Prog. 

Int. 

Non-union. 

Levy’s 

50  

70  

180 

McCoy’s 

120  

45  

400 

Brown  & Earle’s 

150  

50  

100 

Total 

320 

165 

680 

There  were  6,000  employees  in  the  sixteen  shops,  of  which  the  three  shops 
had  but  1,200,  and  of  these  the  Internationals  controlled  but  a very  small  pro- 
portion. If  this  was  a fair  measure  of  their  strength  in  the  city,  it  shows  how 
presumptuous  was  their  assumption  that  they  alone  represent  the  cigar  trade,  or 
that  the  higher  prices  paid  were  owing  simply  and  solely  to  their  efforts. 

It  is  given  in  evidence  that  the  rates  they  had  allowed  their  men  to  receive 
in  many  of  the  other  shqps  were  actually  lower  than  the  new  uniform  rates. 
The  fact  is  that  the  “International  Union  prices”  were  only  a myth — a club 
to  be  used  by  their  leaders  to  advance  their  own  ends  and  to  knock  out  their 
old  enemy,  the  Progressives,  with  whose  quarrel,  of  course,  our  Order  has 
nothing  to  do,  and  whose  merits  we  are  not  called  upon  to  decide. 

The  trade  (whether  International  Union,  Progressive  Union,  or  non-unionist) 
had  no  regular  prices,  and  one  of  the  greatest  advantages  of  this  new  list  was 
that  it  established  a standard  by  which  it  is  possible  to  judge  whether  a man  is 
a scab  or  not — something  which  should  not  be  left  to  the  dictum  of  a few 
ambitious  leaders.  It  fixed  a minimum  rate  of  $7  per  1,000,  “and  in  that 
price,”  testified  a member  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee,  “ we  raised 
a good  many  cases.”  The  manufacturers  were  also  induced  to  concede  the 
eight-hour  system — a question  of  much  more  moment  than  one  of  mere  wages. 
The  agreement  was,  further,  a direct  result  of  arbitration,  a principle  for  which 
our  Order  has  always  contended. 

So  much  for  the  direct  result  of  the  equalization  of  prices  agreement,  with 
which  the  Knights  of  Labor  as  such  had  nothing  whatever  to  do.  But  we  do 
claim  credit  for  an  indirect  yet  most  important  outcome  of  all  this  hubbub — 
that  is,  the  abolishment  of  the  tenement-house  system  and  child  labor;  some- 
thing which  the  Unions  had  been  finable  to  effect  for  twelve  years.  This  was 
the  \vork  of  D.  A.  49 — the  credit  alone  belongs  to  it;  and  if  the  disadvantages 
of  the  compromise  had  been  considerably  more  than  they  really  were,  the  sac- 
rifice would  not  have  been  too  great. 

The  new  price  list  had  permitted  tenement-house  work ; but  a week  after  the 


9 


, lock-out  had  been  declared  od,  the  United  Manufacturers  expressed  a wish  to 
obtain  the  Knights  of  Labor  label,  which  they  were  told  could  not  be  had 
iiidess  they  gave  up  the  vicious  tenement-house  cigar-making  and  the  employ- 
ment of  children  under  sixteen  years  of  age.  Under  the  existing  condition  of 
things  the  shops  would  also  have  to  become  Knights  of  Labor.  To  this  the 
manufacturers  consented,  and  on  February  25th,  over  a week  after  the  original 
trouble  had  been  declared  settled  by  the  Progressives  and  Centrals,  the  hands 
in  the  different  shops  were  regularly  proposed,  elected  and  initiated  into  their 
respective  Assemblies,  strictly  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Order.  [See  ^yolf ’s 
testimony.] 

The  testimony  of  all  the  witnesses  (except  where  it  is  merely  hearsay  tattle) 
goes  to  })rove  that  D.  A.  49  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  men  in  the 
so-called  three  strike  shops  until  after  they  had  gone  back  to  work  under  the 
new  scales  of  prices;  i.  e.,  after  the  trouble  had  been  settled  to  the  satisfaction 
of  all  but  the  officials  of  the  International  Union  and  its  side-show,  L.  A.  2458, 
and  the  1G5  Internationals  of  these  shops — one-eighth  of  the  workmen.  Even 
Herman,  one  of  the  International  Union  Strike  Committee,  answering  to  the 
question  whether  the  1,300  hands  who  had  returned  to  work  in  Levy’s,  McCoy’s, 
and  Brown  & Earle’s  entered  the  sho])S  as  Knights  of  Labor,  said:  “No;  they 
entered  as  scabs.  They  went  to  work  first,  and  were  initiated  afterwards.” 

The  trouble  was  and  is  that  these  International  officials  fondly  imagine  even” 
one  who  does  not  train  under  their  banner  to  be  scabs,  even  though  they  may 
be  actually  working  for  higher  rates. 

“ Does  the  International  Union  consider  all  shops  not  under  their  control 
scab  sho})s?”  was  asked  Mr.  Kirchner,  a member  of  the  Executive  Board 
of  the  International  Union.  [See  Kirchner’s  testimony.]  And  the  reply  was: 

“There  is  no  declaration  in  the  laws  of  the  Union  to  that  effect,  although  2m 
hold  so,  and  some  of  us  can  ride  as  high  a horse  as  some  of  the  [Knights  of 
Labor.”] 

Well,  the  Knights  of  Labor  don’t  hold  so,  and  do  not  intend  to  sit  at  the 
feet  of  either  of  the  Unions  for  instruction — organizations  which,  combined, 
comprise  not  even  a majority  of  the  trade.  The  officers  of  the  Order  are 
anxious  to  see  wage-earners  the  country  over  paid  the  highest  possible  remu- 
neration, and  will  condemn  “scabbing”  wherever  jDracticed.  But  we  do  not 
intend  to  accept  that  definition  of  a scab  which  a minority  of  a trade  may  soe 
fit  to  decide  upon.  We  shall  insist,  toO,  that  what  is  sauce  for  the  goose  is 
sauce  for  the  gander.  If  scabbing  is  to  be  gauged  by  the  relative  lowness  of 
prices,  then  all  those  shops  where  the  Internationals  work  or  have  worked  for 
a less  scale  than  the  highest  paid  in  the  trade  are  scal^  shops,  and  the  em- 
ployees, including  the  Internationals,  scabs.  And  it  is  a fact  abundantly 
proven  by  the  testimony  that  the  International  had  no  regular  scale  of  ]3rices 


10 


for  goods  made  in  New  York  City;  but  there  was  a difference  of  from  $1  to 
SI. 50  paid  in  their  various  shops.  Just  here  another  ^^oint.  The  most  con- 
temptible scab  is  the  one  who  indirectly  encourages  low-priced  labor,  which  is 
tenement-house  work  in  the  cigar  trade.  If  we  can  rely  on  Mr.  Oppenheimer’s 
statement,  to  the  effect  that  he  knew  jobbers  to  hold  a large  number  of  Inter- 
national labels,  which  they  placed  on  tenement-house  cigars,  those  labels  must 
have  been  furnished  with  the  knowledge  of  the  authorized  agents  of  the  Inter- 
national for  a consideration!  This  is  all  abundantly  substantiated  by 

evidence  laid  before  the  General  Executive  Board  and  reported  to  the  General 
Assembly  special  session  at  Cleveland.  [See  page  29  of  minutes.] 

All  this  shows  the  claim  to  orthodoxy  by  the  International  Union  is  no 
better  founded  than  that  of  the  Progressive.  Both  carried  on  a cut-throat 
warfare.  They  cared  nothing  for  each  other’s  rights,  nor  those  of  the  cigar- 
makers  at  large.  Where  one  side  could  by  some  hokus-pokus  get  control  of  a 
shop,  all  who  would  not  cry  quits  and  join  their  Union  got  their  walking  papers. 
Old  members  of  our  Order  were  discharged  because  they  would  not  go  into 
the  International,  or  strike  against  men  of  their  own  Assembly.  To  get  men, 
they  even  falsely  asserted  that  itwais  necessary  to  become  Internationals  before 
Knights  of  Lal)or,  and  the  leaders  in  this  work  were  the  officers  of  L.  A.  2458, 
which  was  run  entirely  in  the  interest  of  the  International,  to  which  all  its 
members  belonged.  For  a long  time  the  total  membership  only  consisted  of 
fifteen,  (mostly  officers  in  the  International  Union,)  and  was  kept  up  simply 
and  solely  for  the  purpose  of  allowing  their  first  love  to  obtain  the  white  label, 
to  be  used  wlien  it  was  found  expedient.  The  General  Executive  Board  had 
in  its  possession  boxes  of  cigars  manufactured  by  International  shops,  where  no 
Knights  were  employed— for  example.  Kerbs  & Spiess — and  on  one  of  these 
boxes  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  blue  labels  appeared  together.  [See  General 
Executive  Board’s  report,  page  29,  of  General  Assembly  special  meeting,  1886.] 
These  sham  Knights  of  L.  A.  2458  even  went  so  far  as  to  boycott  our  label. 
[See  the  testimony  of  Zeiger.]  When  it  became  necessary  for  the  Inter- 
national to  have  certain  shops  Knights  of  Labor  so  as  to  get  hold  of  the  white 
label,  this  Assembly  rushed  in  new  members,  in  utter  disregard  of  the  laws 
of  the  Order,  the  International  paying  the  fees  besides.  [See  testimony  of 
Wolf,  Mirsky,  Miss  Buhl  and  others.]  Suspended  members  of  L.  A.  2814  were 
allowed  to  attend  the  meetings.  [See  Sommer’s  testimony.]  The  Local  well 
deserved  its  name,  for  its  members  set  at  defiance  all  the  rules  of  the  Order. 
Its  Master  Workman,  Dampf,  openly  boasted  at  a public  meeting  that  they 
did  not  care  a raj:)  for  anybody  in  the  ’whole  Order,  but  would  take  any  one 
they  pleased  into  their  Local — referring  to  the  intention  of  initiating  bookers 
and  strippers,  notwitl^standing  these  had  their  own  trade  Local.  So  another. 
Brother  Gompers,  of  this  same  Local,  in  connection  with  Haller,  a suspended, 
member  of  L.  A.  2814,  and  the  International  Union  President,  followed  up 


11 


this  declaration  with  a statement  at  another  public  meeting,  held  in  New 
York,  that  D.  A.  49  and  L.  A.  2814  were  composed  of  scabs,  and  that  the 
Knights  of  Labor  were  mixed  up  with  the  International.  [See  Wolf’s 
testimony.] 

Another  Master  Workman,  of  L.  A.  2458,  who  is  also  Secretary  of  the  Inter-' 
national  Union,  in  his  examination,  at  the  Astor  House,  in  this  way  answered 
the  questions  by  the  Board : “ If  the  General  Assembly  sent  you  an  order  to 
resume  work,  would  you  do  it?”  “That  is  a queer  question  to  ask.  Asa 
member  of  the*  International  Union  I would  obey  it,  and  as  a Knight  of 
Labor  I would  also — I believe  I would.''’ 

Although  Master  Workman  for  several  months,  he  did  not  know  how  many 
members  his  Local  had  at  the  time  of  the  strike,  merely  observing:  “I  don’t 
like  to  answer  a question  unless  I have  some  knowledge  of  it.”  [See  Brother 
Davis’  testimony,  March  16th.] 

And  so  tliese  examples,  to  show  that  L.  A.  2458  was  International  first, 
last  and  all  the  time,  might  be  multiplied.  The  Order,  was  sim])ly  used  as  a 
cat’s  paw  to  draw  International  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire.  We  didn’t  need  or 
want  such  alJegiance,  and  L.  A.  2458  was  accordingly  suspended  on  March 
81st,  1886,  and  the  General  Executive  Board  so  reported* to  the  General 
Assembly  at  the  si)ccial  meeting.  May  28th,  1886.  [See  page  29  of  minutes.] 
Not  conb?nt  with  the  fraudulent  use  of  our  label,  the  officials  of  the  Inter- 
national Union,  who  included  the  Strike  Committee,  and  represented  also  L.  A. 
2458,  used  every  method  to  boycott  our  Order  and  its  label,  and  to  cast 
odium  u2:>on  its  General  Executive  Board,  and  through  it,  of  course,  upon  every 
Knight  in  the  country.  The  Strike  Committee  was  Gompers  and  Herman,  of 
L.  A.  2458,  and  Haller,  suspended  member  of  L.  A.  2814.  President  Strasser  of 
the  International,  also  member  of  L.  A.  2458,  was  the  director  of  the  committee 
and  their  acts,  deny  it  as  he  may.  This  committee  and  ten  Local  Unions  issued 
a number  of  boycotting  and  blackguarding  circulars,  directed  against  our  Order. 
The  official  papers  of  the  Union  were  crying  out  the  boycott  and  slandering  and 
denouncing  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  its  General  Executive  Board.  They 
were  understood  to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  officials  of  the  Lmion,  but  Mr. 
Strasser  and  his  Exeeutive  Board  did  nothing  to  discourage  this  conduct  or  to 
disown  them ; hence  they  were  responsible.  It  is  mere  subterfuge  to  plead 
ignorance  or  want  of  authority.  Mr.  Kirchner,  the  Fourth  Vice-President  of 
the  International  and  a member  of  the  Executive  Board,  claiming  at  the  same 
time  to  pass  muster  as  a Knight  of  Labor,  admitted  that  the  Union  was  doing 
all  in  its  power  to  put  the  white  label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  into  disrepute. 

“Do  you,”  asked  Brother  Bailey,  “object  to  members  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor  asking  for  cigars  or  goods  bearing  the  label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor?” 
“ Y es ; on  cigars.  The  reason  we  object  is  that  it  works  mischief  and  confusion.” 
All  of  which  is  extremely  kind  of  the  International  Union,  considering  the 


12 


fact  that  the  first  cigar  label  was  adopted  by  Knights,  D.  A.  3,  of  Pittsburg, 
before  the  International  took  up  the  question.  Four  years  ago  the  General 
Assembly  authorized  the  white  label.  The  Union  had  its  blue  label  neverthe- 
less boomed  by  the  Order,  and  it  is  yet  whenever  the  Union  reciprocates. 

We  only  insist  that  in  ever}^  shop,  whichever  organization  is  in  control,  clean 
cards  should  be  recognized,  whether  they  are  held  by  International  Unionists, 
Progressive  Unionists,  or  Knights  of  Labor — an  agreement,  of  course,  being 
had  as  to  prices. 

That  the  principal  efforts  of  this  International  Union  Strike  Committee  were 
given  to  this  boycotting  business,  and  that  their  organization  and  its  officials 
supported  them,  is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  their  Executive  Board  en- 
dorsed the  action  of  the  Strike  Committee,  who  sent  out  Haller,  Gompers  and 
Kirchner  to  the  South,  West  and  East  to  boom  the  blue  label  and  denounce 
the  OrdiQr,  paying  their  expenses  from  money  collected  for  the  strike  fund.  [See 
Mirsky’s  testimony.]  The  boycotting  was  also  carried  on  outside  of  New  York, 
as,  for  example,  in  Newark.  [See  Wolf’s  statement.]  And  the  white  label 
generally  was  dubbed  as  the  scab  label  all  over  the  country.  [See  as  to  the 
latter  The  Picket  of  May  1st,  quoting  from  the  Springfield,  Mo.,  Justice.^ 

Under  all  this  abuse  the  General  Executive  Board  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
until  now  have  remained  silent,  knowing  that  as  soon  as  the  facts  in  the  case 
were  made  known  to  the  Order  the  action  of  your  Board  would  be  justified. 

The  charges  of  scabism  formulated  against  D.  A.  49  are  not  sustained.  But, 
on  the  contrary,  the  whole  line  of  conduct  pursued  by  the  International 
Union  and  those  in  sympathy  with  it  points  to  one  irresistible  conclusion — 
either  International  or  nobody.  No.  1.  was  the  only  party  giving  its  leaders 
concern.  All  of  which  explains  the  sublime  assurance  evidenced  by  the  pro- 
j:)osition  to  our  Order,  made  by  Mr.  Kirchner,  on  March  16th  last.  [See  close 
of  his  testimony.]  It  was  really  a request  to  us  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  the 
Union.  The  International  Union  asked  to  be  admitted  into  the  Order  in  a 
body  as  a Local  Assembly,  under  its  oivn  Constitution.  The  blue  label  was  to 
be  adopted  as  the  one  of  our  organization,  and  all  Knights  not  in  sympathy 
with  the  Internationals  to  be  compelled  to  surrender  their  charter  and  go  in 
under  the  wing  of  this  Union.  And,  lastly — and  here  is  the  milk  in  the  cocoa- 
nut — the  officers  of  the  new  Local  to  be  constituted  from  the  present  officials  of 
the  International. 

We  hardly  think  the  million  Knights  of  Labor,  whose  Order  was  founded 
by  the  sainted  Stephens  for  the  very  purpose  of  counteracting  the  selfish  secta- 
rianism of  trade  unions,  are  yet  23i*epared  to  step  down  and  out  in  favor  of  a 
few  organized  cigar-makers,  who  do  not  even  constitute  the  majority  of  their 
trade.  They  are  not  yet  ready  to  disband,  but  shall  long  continue  to  follow 
out  the  design  of  the  Order — to  gather  into  one  fold  all  branches  of  honorable 
toil. 


13 


« 


Te«tioiouy  taken  before  tbe  General  Executive  Board, 

Knig:lits  of  Gabor. 


Astor  House,  New  York  City,  Tuesday,  March  16,  1886. 

Of  Brotifer  Bailey. — Are  all  members  here  in  good  standing? 

A.  All  but  Brother  Davis,  who  W’as  suspended  by  L.  A.  2814,  pending  charges. 

Brother  Gompers,  representing  L.  A.  2458,  International  Union,  also  non-union  peo- 
ple still  on  strike. — We  would,  in  behalf  of  those  people,  ask  that  both  sides  be  present  in 
order  to  cross-examine. 

The  Board. — Inasmuch  as  the  Board  has  not  the  time  to  devote  to  a very  extended 
investigation,  and  being  ordered  to  go  to  other  sections  of  the  country,  we  shall  take  each 
person’s  testimony  and  present  the  matter  to  the  full  Board  when  in  session. 

Brother  Davis,  of  L.  A.  2458,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as 
follows: 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — State  what  is  your  connection  with  the  Knights  of  Labor  and 
International  Union;  what  information  you  received  from  the  President  of  the  Interna- 
tional Union  as  regards  Levy  Bros,  and  McCoy. 

A.  I am  Secretary  of  the  International  Union  and  Master  Workman  of  L.  A.  2458;  I 
received  a circular  for  an  application  to  strike  against  a reduction  of  ivages  in  Levy  Bros.’, 
Brown  & Earle’s  and  McCoy’s,  the  application  having  been  sustained  by  our  Local  Unions 
of  the  International. 

Q.  What  action  did  L.  A.  2458  take  in  reference  to  working  in  shops  where  the  members 
were  on  strike  ? 

No  answer. 

Q.  The  Board. — All  men  of  the  Local  Assembly  w*ere  members  of  the  International 
Union  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  If  the  General  Assembly  sent  you  an  order  to  resume  work,  would  you  do  it? 

A.  That  is  a queer  question  to  ask.  As  a member  of  the  International  Union  I would 
obey  it,  and  as  a Knight  of  Labor  I would  obey  also — I believe  I would  obey  it. 

Q.  At  the  time  of  the  strike,  how  many  members  were  there  in  L.  A.  2458? 

A.  I don’t  know;  don’t  like  to  answer  a question  unless  I have  some  knowledge  of  it. 

Q.  How  long  are  you  Master  Workman? 

A.  Since  December  last,  1885. 

Q.  What  time  was  the  strike  ordered? 

A.  About  the  middle  of  January. 

Q.  Is  the  strike  still  in  progress  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Are  there  any  strikers  out  of  employment? 

A.  There  are. 

Q.  Are  you  still  paying  strike  benefits  ? 

A.  We  are. 

Q.  How  many  are  there  still  out  and  receiving  benefits  ? 

A.  About  two  or  three  hundred. 

As  Master  Workman,  have  you  made  application  for  labels? 

A.  Yes. 


14 

« 

Q.  How  long  ago  ? 

A.  I'irst  about  two  months  ago  for  10,000. 

Q.  Hid  you  receive  them  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Have  you  made  any  more  applications  ? 

A.  Yes;  for  80,000. 

Q.  Have  you  received  them  ? 

A.  No ; I have  seen  Mr.  Turner  about  it ; he  told  me  charges  were  pending  against  us, 
(L.  A.  2458,)  and  all  labels  were  stopped  to  New  York  City;  and  at  the  same  time  stated 
that  by  to-morrow  we  would  receive  them,  or  an  answer  why  we  would  not  receive  them. 

Q.  Have  you  received  them  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Have  you  sent  the  money  for  them  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  $10  sent  by  mail,  and  $50  I paid  personally  to  Harry  Taylor. 

Q.  Was  the  money  accompanied  by  the  proper  order,  with  the  seal  of  the  Local 
attached  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Paul.  Heiiman,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows : 

I am  a member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  since  1883,  also  a member  of  the  Interna- 
tional Union,  and  one  of  the  strikers ; Avas  employed  by  Levy  Brothers  until  the  men  went 
on  strike.  On  January  2d  went  with  other  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  to  the  office 
of  Levy  Brothers  and  requested  Mr.  Oppenheimer  for  a copy  of  a price  list  of  the  Manu- 
facturers’ Association.  Mr.  Oppenheimer  informed  me  that  the  Manufacturers’  Association 
had  a uniform  price  list,  of  which  I could  obtain  a copy  in  the  afternoon.  Mr.  Oppenheimer 
presented  me  witli  a price  list  ranging  from  $7  to  $9.60  per  thousand.  The  price  list  was  a 
very  heavy  reduction  in  w^ages.  January  4th,  I went  to  work  under  the  said  i^rice  list  with 
my  colleagues,  and  on  the  same  day  members  of  the  International  Union  in  this  shop 
resolved  to  make  application  to  strike.  SMd  application  was  sanctioned  by  the  Committee  of 
the  International  Union,  the.  members  of  which  were  all  Knights  of  Labor.  We  called  at 
the  office  of  Levy  Brothers,  January  14th  or  15th,  and  protested  against  tlie  reduction  of 
Avages,  also  demanded  restoration  of  old  prices.  Mr.  Oppenheimer  replied  that  the  case 
should  be  investigated  by  the  Manufacturers’  Association  in  case  the  strike  Avas  inaugurated. 
A previous  meeting  of  the  employees  and  the  members  of  the  International  Union,  also  of 
members  of  Progressive  Union,  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  non-union  people, 
resolved  unanimously  not  to  return,  and  to  go  on  strike  as  soon  as  called  to  do  so  by  Union 
Committee,  and  then  not  to  return  to  Avork  unless  tlie  old  bill  of  wages  AA’as  paid.  The 
strike  Avas  ordered,  and  all  employees,  AAuthout  any  exception,  came  out.  The  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Manufacturers’  Association  met  on  Friday  morning,  January  15th,  at 
Levy  Brothers’  office,  to  investigate  difficulties.  The  strikers  were  represented  by  the 
folloAving  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor:  Samuel  Gompers,  Lewis  Walder  and  Fred. 
Haller;  the  Progressives  by  L.  Jablinowski  and  Bruckman.  Case  was  investigated,  and 
Mr.  Oppenheimer  stated  to  the  Exeeutive  Committee  that  the  reduction  had  taken  place 
in  his  shop. 

I was  making  re-rolled,  mould  No.  27,  $11  per  thousand;  price  offered  on  the  uniform 
price  list,  $9.35  per  thousand.  On  this  cigar,  I desire  to  add,  the  so-called  compromise  is 
$9.45  to  $10  per  thousand,  a reduction  of  $1  at  present.  Price  paid  on  mould  No.  31 
before  January,  $11;  price  offered,  $9.35;  compromise  price,  $10.  Stop  price  paid 
previous  to  January,  $11;  price  offered,  $9.35;  compromise  price,  $10.  Price  paid 
previous  on  rainers,  $11.50 ; price  offered,  $9.20 ; compromise  price,  $9.65  to  $10.70.  Pre- 


15 


vions  there  was  only  one  system ; now  there  are  two,  which  is  still  a reduction  on  tii€ 
})resent  highest  prices  paid  by  the  comj)romise  on  five-inch  Londrex  previous  to  January, 
$12.50;  price  offered,  $10.10;  compromise  price,  $11.60.  Dry  mould  work,  long  filler, 
mould  0,  four  and  a quarter-inch,  previous  price  paid,  $7.80;  compromise  price,  $7.70. 
Same  in  Havana,  previous  price,  $8.20;  compromise  price,  $8.10.  Mould  27,  scraps,  pre\d- 
ous  price,  $7.85 ; compromise,  $7.35.  Havana,  $8.40;  compromise,  $8.10.  Mould  29,  long 
filler,  previous  price,  $7.80 ; compromise,  $7.70.  Mould  30,  long  filler,  previous  price,  $8.50  j 
compromise,  $8.15.  Same  in  Havana,  $8.90;  compromise,  $8.80.  Mould  31,  seed,  previous 
price,* $8.20 ; compromise,  $7.70.  Mould  32,  cheroots,  seed,  previous  j>rice,  $5.60  ; compro- 
mise, $5.55.  Havana,  $5.90;  compromise,  $5.25.  Mould  35,  seed,  previous  price,  $8.30; 
compromise,  $8.05.  Havana,  $8.70;  compromise,  $8.40.  Mould  27,  scraps,  previous  pric*e, 
$8.15;  compromise,  $7.35.  Mould  30,  previous  price,  $8.35;  compromise,  $7.85.  Mould 
31,  previous  price,  $8.15  ; com})romise,  $7.35.  IVIould  35,  previous  price,  $8.20;  compromise, 
$7.60.  Mould  38,  previous  price,  $8.10;  compromise,  $7.60.  Mould  44,  2)revious  price, 
$8.35  ; compromise,  $7.35.  After  the  investigation,  Mr.  Oitpenheimer  stated  that  in  liis 
shops  the  average  was  53  1-5  cents  per  thousand.  The  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  the  Manufacturers’  Association  put  questions  to  the  representatives  of  the  strikers 
as  to  whether  they  would  be  willing  to  work  under  the  new  bill  of  prices  until  a more 
thorough  investigation  could  be  had.  The  Strike  Committee  offered  for  all  of  the  cigia*- 
makers  to  work  under  the  old  bill  of  prices  jDeuding  the  investigation.  This  offer  was 
refused  by  the  Manufacturers’  Committee  in  the  afternoon.  E.  Jablinowski  and  myself 
were  informed  by  Frank  McCoy,  President  of  the  Manufacturers,  that  the  lock-out  would 
be  ordered  within  three  days.  The  lock-out  was  inaugurated.  Promises  were  made  to 
the  strikers  of  Levy  Brothers’  shop  by  the  committees  of  the  International  Union  and 
Progressive  Union  that  no  conferences  should  be  held  with  the  Manufacturers’  Association 
unless  the  Shop  Committee  was  invited.  Secret  conferences  were  held  with  the  iUanufae- 
turers’  Association  and  a committee  of  the  Central  Lal)or  Union  and  Progressive  Union  at 
the  Grand  Union  Hotel,  and  a comj)romise  was  effected. 

This  was  referred  to  the  vote  of  the  members  of  the  Progressive  Union  only.  Meml)ers 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  International  Union  and  non-union  people  were  not  allowed  to 
vote  on  this  compromise.  This  compromise  was  rejected  by  the  members  of  the  Progressive 
Union,  and  one  week  later  a new  compromise  was  effected  by  the  same  committee.  This 
was  only  referred  to  the  members  of  the  Progressive  Union.  Members  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  International  Union  and  non-union  men  were  not  allowed  to  vote.  This  new  com- 
promise price  list  means  a lower  price  on  many  kinds  of  cigars,  for  Avhich  in  the  first  compro- 
mise higher  prices  were  offered;  but  the  lower  compromise  was  accepted  by  the  Progressive 
and  Central  Labor  Union  after  the  higher  compromise  was  rejected.  One  week  previous 
the  second  compromise  tenement-house  work  was  recognized  by  the  committee  of  the  Pro- 
gressive and  Central  Labor  Union  in  fixing  bill  of  prices  for  tenement-house  cigars.  [Gom- 
pers  explains  how  the  first  compromise  was  accepted  and  the  second  rejected,  although  at 
the  first  a majority  of  the  strikers  was  not  allowed  to  vote  on  the  compromise  as  they  were 
not  members  of  the  Progressive  Union.]  The  people  employed  in  the  tenement  houses  of 
other  manufacturers  not  belonging  to  the  Manufacturers’  Association  were  allowed  to  vote 
on  the  question.  For  instance,  the  tenement-house  cigar-makers  of  Joseph  Rosenthals, 
Silverton  and  others.  The  strike  or  lock-out  was  declared  at  an  end  by  the  Manufacturers’ 
Association  without  giving  the  strikers  of  Levy  Brothers  any  notice.  The  shop  Avas  simph" 
opened  for  whoever  applied  for  work,  and  nearly  all  of  the  members  of  Progressive  Union 
and  most  of  the  non-union  people  went  to  work  in  all  the  shops,  although  the  shops  of  Levy 
Brothers,  Brown  & Earle,  and  Frank  McCoy  were  declared  strike  shops  by  a majority  of 


16 


their  employees  and  by  the  Union,  and  although  the  Central  Labor  Union  rejected  the 
comj)romise  and  instructed  their  committee  to  demand  the  highest  prices  and  the  abolish- 
ment of  the  tenement-house  system.  I regard  those  men  and  women  who  went  to  work 
in  the  shops  against  a reduction  as  scabs;  and  I know  that  the  scabs  have  been  admitted 
into  the  Knights  of  Labor.  T further  know  that  the  firm  of  Levy  Brothers  has  been 
supplied  with  the  Knights  of  Labor  labels,  and  those  labels  for  cigars  made  in  their  tene- 
ment houses  and  sold  to  the  firm  of  Leggett  & Co.  I am  still  on  strike,  and  still  receiving 
strike  benefits  from  the  International  Union,  and  I am  unable  to  obtain  employment  in  any 
shop  controlled  by  the  Manufacturers’  Association  for  having  taken  an  active  part  in  this 
strike.  I was  boycotted.  I lived  at  215  Avenue  C,  boarding.  The  proprietor  is  a saloon- 
keeper, and  he  was  informed  by  the  scabs  that  they  would  not  visit  his  saloon  until  the  men 
who  are  on  strike  and  are  living  in  his  house  were  out.  I had  to  move. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Can  you  give  us  some  information  in  reference  to  cigar  packers 
during  the  lock-out? 

A.  I can.  Before  the  lock-out  was  declared,  Haller  and  myself  visited  Union  Ko.  2. 
They  resolved  to  order  their  members  out  on  strike  as  soon  as  the  lock-out  was  inaugurated. 
A mass  meeting  of  packers  was  held  in  Concordance  room.  The  resolution  was  adopted 
that  the  packers  should  not  return  to  work  until  the  old  prices  were  restored  to  the  Cigar- 
makers’  Packers’  Union  No.  2 ; and  the  Executive  of  the  striking  packers  resolved  to  declare 
the  shops  of  Levy  Brothers,  Brown  & Earle  and  McCoy  strike  shops.  After  the  lock-out 
was  declared  at  end  to  those  packers,  the  International  Union  Strike  Committee  paid  from 
$700  to  $900  per  week  assistance.  They  were  not  members  of  the  International  Union. 
About  one  week  after  the  lock-out,  I was  informed  by  F.  Wanganham,  a cigar  packer,  that  he 
must  go  to  work  at  Levy  Brothers,  as  Mr.  Bodgers  had  ordered  him  to  do  so.  Several 
other  striking  packers  informed  me  that  Mr.  Bodgers  addressed  a meeting  of  packers  and 
made  the  statement  that  all  strikers  were  ordered  to  go  to  work  by  order  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor.  F.  Wanganham  went  scabbing,  and  the  rest  followed  a few  days  later.  The  packers 
also  had  been  organized  by  Bodgers  and  Wolf  into  the  Knights  of  Labor. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Before  those  packers  went  to  work  in  McCoy’s  shops  were  you 
in  possession  of  this  document?  [He  here  showed  document.] 

A.  I was. 

Q.  Please  translate  it.  [Document  is  German.] 

A.  I was  acting  as  Strike  Committee  in  Stohl  & Fletcher’s,  Morrisania,  and  I repre- 
sented the  members  of  the  International  Union.  Then  the  packers  employed  by  that  firm 
had  no  grievance,  but  they  resolved  to  go  out  on  strike  to  help  the  cigar-makers  in  their  fight 
against  reduction.  Those  packers  were  members  of  Progressive  Union  No.  13;  and  they 
explained  to  me  that  their  strike  application  was  afterwards  also  approved  by  their  Union. 
While  on  strike  this  letter  was  handed  by  one  of  them,  Mr.  Pick,  a member  of  the  Order, 
February  14th,  1886,  to  striking  packers  of  Stohl’s  shop  at  Morrisania:  “You  are  hereby 

ordered  to  commence  to  work  on  Monday  morning,  February  15th,  at  McCoy’s  factory.  We 
assure  you  that  you  wfill  be  employed  steadily.  Signed,  Earnest  Miller,  Secretary.”  Seal 
of  Progressive  Union  No.  13.  Only  one  of  them,  Schwab,  obeyed  this  order,  and  he  has 
been  initiated  into  the  Order  and  is  still  working  in  McCoy’s  shop. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Was  the  Striking  Committee  composed  of  International,  Pro- 
gressive, Knights  of  Labor  and  non-union  men  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  many  constituted  this  committe? 

A.  Allow  me  to  explain : The  Strike  Committee  of  Progressive  was  invited  by  the  com- 
mittee of  the  International  Union  to  act  in  conjunction  during  the  lock-out.  They,  the 


17 


Progressive,  appeared  one  evening  and  demanded  from  International  Union  Strike  Com- 
mittee that  tliey  must  amend  tlieir  Constitution  before  they  could  act  with  International 
Union.  In  this  tight  L.  A.  2458  was  represented  on  the  Strike  Committee.  I am  a member 
of  L.  A.  2458. 

Q.  Did  your  Local  officially  appoint  their  quota  of  this  committee?  . 

A.  No;  I don’t  know. 

Q.  Did  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  non-union  men  meet  with  you  ? 

A.  I don’t  know.  Dampf  said  no  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  were  sent  direct 
fro)n  the  Assembly,  but  all  members  of  that  committee  were  members  of  the  Assembly, 
and  re})orted  tiieir  doings  to  the  Local  Assembly. 

Q.  JjUOTIier  Bailp:y. — Are  all  cigar-makers  Avho  are  Knights  of  Labor  in  L.  A.  2458? 

A.  Don’t  know. 

Q.  pROTirpui  Gompers. — Was  L.  A.  2458  the  first  Local  of  cigar-makers? 

A.  At  tlie  time  I joined,  that  was  in  1883,  I didn’t  hear  of  any  other  Local. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Have  you  ever  seen  a circular  sent  out  by  any  Cigar-makers’ 
Union  caliing  for  members  to  boycott  all  cigars  not  bearing  the  International  Union  label? 

A.  I have. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  seen  circular  calling  for  a boycott  of  all  cigars  bearing  the  white 
label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  I did  not. 

Q.  Have  the  Knights  of  Labor  the  right  to  fix  a bill  of  prices  for  themselves? 

A.  In  my  o^iinion,  the  Cigar-makers’  organization  has  that  right;  but  1 do  not  believe 
the  Knights  of  Labor  have  a right  to  fix  a bill  of  prices  involving  a reduction  of  former 
prices. 

Q.  If  a body  of  Knights  of  Labor  by  majority  vote  to  fix  a bill  of  wages,  have  they 
not  a ri^it  to  fix  it? 

A.  Majority  has  undoubtedly  by  its  power  the  right  to  fix  anything,  but  I don’t  always 
consider  majorities  just. 

Q.  Brother  Gomppirs. — If  10,000  workmen  belonging  to  a trade  union  went  on 
strike  against  a reduction  of  wages,  and  a Local  Assembly  composed  of  about  25  members 
of  that  same  trade,  by  a majority,  say  two-thirds  of  that  25,  was  to  enter  into  a compromise 
involving  a reduction  of  wages,  would  you  consider  that  right  ? 

A.  I would  not. 

(}.  And  is  it  in  this  sense  you  made  your  answer  to  the  question  asked  you  by  Brother 
Bailey  ? 

A.  It  is  in  this  sense  undoubtedly. 

[A  discussion  arose  here  with  Mr.  Kirchner,  because  giving  the  Master  Workman 
answers.] 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Do  you  know  it  is  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
to  declare  a strike  without  first  trying  to  settle  by  arbitration  ? 

A.  Don’t  know.  I believe  if  the  Knights  of  Labor  working  in  the  shops  did  so  they 
would  be  lynched  by  cigar-makers. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Was  the  strike  at  Levy  Bros.,  where  the  trouble  originated, 
gone  into  off-hand? 

A.  Strike  was  approved  by  International  Union,  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Union, 
apd  by  L.  A.  2458. 

Q.  Was  strike  gone  into  off-hand  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Were  the  strikers  not  willing  to  submit  their  case  to  arbitration  ? 

B 


18 


A.  If  tlie  old  prices  prevailed  pending  investigation. 

Q.  And  was  that  not  proposed  ? 

A.  They  made  such  an  ofler  to  the  Manufacturers’  Association,  but  were  refused, 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Did  the  Knights  of  Labor,  as  Knights  of  Labor,  demand 
arbitration? 

A.  I did,  as  a Knight  of  Labor.  . 

Q.  Brother  Haller. — Did  D.  A.  49  demand  arbitration  ? 

A.  They  did  not ; not  that  I know  of. 

Q.  Did  L.  A.  2814  demand  arbitration? 

A.  I never  heard  of  it, 

Q.  Did  L.  A.  2458,  or  did  any  of  these  three  shops,  demand  arbitration  ? 

A.  They  did  not. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — How  many  shops  are  now  on  strike  ? 

A.  Three. 

Q.  Brother  Kirchner. — Did  the  two  organizations.  Progressive  and  International, 
ivko  had  jurisdiction,  offer  to  arbitrate? 

A.  The  International  Union  did;  Progressive  did  not. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — How  many  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  are  working  in 
those  three  strike  shops  ? 

A.  I think  there  are  about  from  1,000  to  1,100. 

Q.  Brother  Kirchner. — How  long  have  they  been  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  From  one  to  three  weeks. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Were  they  proposed  or  initiated  as  members  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor  before  they  went  to  ivork  in  a strike  shop  ? 

A.  They  went  to  work  first,  and  then  they  were  proposed  and  initiated. 

Q.  They  did  not  enter  as  Knights  of  Labor  ? • ^ 

A.  No;  they  entered  as  scabs. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Does  the  International  Union  declare  all  shops  not  under  their 
control  scab  shops? 

A.  No ; those  only  where  the  prices  are  not  paid.  Such  a shop  is  not  a scab  shop,  unless 
working  below  the  scale. 

Q.  You  said  you  knew  the  Knights  of  Labor  label  was  given  to  manufacturers  of  tene- 
ment-house cigars? 

A.  Yes;  I said  that,  knowing  that  you  would  have  the  same  chance  to  know  if  any  other 
label  was  given,  such  as  the  International  Union;  I would  know  that. 

Q.  Has  any  been  given? 

A.  None  has  been  given. 

Q.  Does  the  International  Union  take  all  branches  of  trade  in  their  Union,  such  as 
strippers  ? 

A.  Yes;  from  stripper  to  packer. 

Q.  Can  a booker  or  stripper  be  admitted  into  a Cigar-makers’  Assembly? 

A.  I regard  such  a person  a cigar-maker. 

Q.  Is  it  the  custom  in  your  city,  where  there  is  enough  of  any  branch  to  form  an 
Assembly  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  It  is  customary. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Are  the  branches  all  considered  part  of  the  cigar-makers  ? 

A.  Certainly. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Have  you  heard  any  member  or  members  of  our  Order  say  the 
Knights  of  Labor  was  going  to  open  war  on  the  International  Union  ? 


19 


A.  I know  that  Rodgers  made  a statement  that  the  General  Executive  Board  would 
suspend  L.  A.  2458. 

(^.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  you  hear  from  members  of  the  Order  that  they  have  opened 
war  on  the  International  Union  and  would  destroy  it,  and  L.  A.  2458  with  it? 

A.  I have. 

Q.  Brother  Baieey. — At  what  reduction  are  those  three  shops  working? 

A.  I am  positive  the  per  cent,  amounts  from  32  to  99  cents  per  thousand  on  the  average. 

Q.  What  terms  in  your  shop  would  remove  the  ban  from  those  shops? 

A.  To  remove  the  scab,  adopt  International  scale  of  prices,  and  the  reinstatement  of  the 
strikers. 

Q.  Would  it  be  necessary,  in  connection  with  this,  that  all  people  become  members  of 
the  International  Union? 

A.  It  would  not. 

Mr.  Davis,  a witness  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

1 have  been  a member  of  L.  A.  2814  since  February  20th,  1884 ; I am  one  of  the  strikers, 
and  have  been  a member  of  International  No.  10  since  December  19th,  1885;  I was  pre- 
viously a member  of  Progressive  Union  No.  1 ; I am  one  of  the  strikers  of  McCoy’s  shop; 
’came  out  with  the  rest  against  a reduction  in  wages.  ^IcCoy’s  prices  on  rolling,  so  far  as  I 
know,  are : Mould  work  38 : previous  price  rolling,  $5.70 ; at  present,  $5.10.  Bunoh-makers : 
previous,  $2.00 ; compromise,  $2.25.  Long  filler.  No.  140 : previous  for  rolling,  $5.95  ; com- 
promise, $5.20.  Nos.  45,  14,  39  and  52;  previous,  $5.45;  compromise,  $5.10.  Bunch- 
makers  received:  previous,  $2.00;  compromise,  $2.25.  No.  lo;  previous,  $5.70;  compro- 
mise, $5.30. 

Q.  Brother  Baieey. — You  stated  you  came  out  with  the  balance  of  the  strikers? 

A.  Yes. 

(^.  By  whose  order  ? • 

A.  By  order  of  the  International  Union. 

[Brother  Gompers  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  was  locked  out.] 

We  were  locked  out,  and  we  did  not  return  to  work  because  we  were  locked  out. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  you  leave  the  shop  of  McCoy  before  you  were  locked  out 
together  with  the  rest  of  the  employees? 

A.  No. 

Q.  When  the  lock-out  was  declared  at  an  end  by  the  Manufacturers’  Association,  what 
resolution  did  the  locked-out  people  of  McCoy’s  shop  pass? 

A.  They  adopted  a resolution  not  to  work  until  the  old  rate  of  wages  was  restored. 

Q.  Did  the  International  sustain  the  employees  of  McCoy’s  shop  in  the  attempt  to  resist 
the  reduction  of  wages? 

A.  Y^es;  Union  and  non-union. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — What  is  a lock-out? 

A.  Bosses  locked  their  factories. 

Q.  This  must  be  done  when  you  are  out  ? 

A.  We  were  locked  out  at  the  start.  The  employees  of  McCoy’s  passed  a resolution  not 
to  go  to  work  until  we  got  the  rate  of  wages.  I left  the  shop  with  the  rest  after  the  lock-out 
was  declared. 

Q.  Y^ou  were  then  asked  who  ordered  you  out  ? 

A.  At  the  start  we  were  locked  out.  When  the  lock-out  was  declared  at  an  end  by  the 
bosses’  Association,  the  employees  of  McCoy’s  resolved  not  to  go  back. 

Q.  The  Board. — Do  you  mean  that  you  are  one  of  the  strikers? 

A.  Ido. 


20 


Q.  You  did  not  become  a striker  until  the  shop  was  declared  open? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  You  say  that  you  joined  with  the  strikers.  Did  your  Assembly  order  you  to  strike? 
A.  No. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  your  Assembly  order  you  ? 

A.  In  fact,  I couldn’t  say.  No. 

Q.  Why  couldn’t  you  ? 

A.  Because  I was  deprived  of  being  present  at  sessions  of  L.  A.  2814. 

Q.  Were  you  deprived  admission  to  your  Assembly  previous  to,  or  after  the  close  of  the 
lock-out  ? 

A.  After  the  close  of  the  lock-out. 

Q.  The  Board. — Is  your  Local  Assembly  composed  of  cigar-makers  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — What  other  branch  ? 

A.  Bunch-makers. 

Q.  The  Board. — You  were  deprived  of  being  present  at  the  session  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  your  Assembly  ordered  its  members  back  or  not  ? 

A.  I don’t  know. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  the  members  of  your  Local  Assembly  did  return  to  work  ? 

A.  Yes;  one  member. 

Q.  Did  you  hear  that  your  Assembly  had  ordered  its  people  back  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — What  was  the  membership  of  your  Local  about  the  time  of  the 
cigar-makers’  lock-out  ? 

A.  About  sixty. 

Q.  How  many  of  that  sixty  were  working  in  McCoy’s  shop  when  the  lock-out  took  place? 
A.  I was  tie  only  one. 

Q.  Did  your  Local  demand  arbitration  ? 

A.  I don’t  know. 

Q.  If  it  had  demanded  arbitration,  would  you  have  known  it  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Miss  Eva  Doerr,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows : 

I work  at  Brown  & Earle’s,  at  rolling. 

Q.  Were  you  locked  out  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Did  you  go  on  strike  at  Brown  & Earle’s? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  For  what? 

A.  To  resist  a reduction. 

Q.  On  the  work  that  you  were  making,  what  is  the  reduction? 

A.  Sixty  cents  a thousand  for  rolling. 

Q.  Are  you  working  now  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  What  Assembly  do  you  belong  to  ? 

A.  L.  A.  2458. 

Q.  Did  this  Assembly  order  you  to  resist  this  reduction? 

A.  Progressive  No.  1 ordered  me  to  strike. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  Progressive  No.  1 ? 


21 


A.  No.  I was,  but  not  at  the  time  I was  ordered  out. 

Q.  1 low  long  have  you  been  a member  of  L.  A.  2458  ? 

A.  Since  March  10th. 

Q.  Did  you  belong  to  any  Union  at  the  time  of  the  strike? 

A.  Yes;  International. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  not  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee,  as  well  as  the 
Progressive  Committee,  come  to  your  shop  to  order  you  to  strike  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Did  or  did  not  the  committee  from  the  Central  Labor  Union  at  the  same  time  come 
to  your  shop  and  order  you  to  strike? 

A.  They  did. 

Q.  Did  or  did  not  the  committee  of  the  International  Union  request  you  not  to  go  on 
strike  at  that  time  ? 

A.  They  told  us  to  wait  until  we  were  locked  out.  The  employees  of  Brown  & Earle 
did  not  want  to  get  locked  out,  but  in  this  instance  struck  against  the  reduction. 

Q.  The  Board. — You  stated  that  you  were  ordered  out  by  Progressive  No.  13  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  You  also  stated  you  were  not  ordered  out  ? 

A.  I did  not  say  so. 

Miss  Lizzie  Buhl,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

Was  employed  at  Levy  Bros.’  before  the  strike ; am  a bunch-maker ; the  reduction  on 
bunches  was  75  cents  per  1,000. 

Q.  How  much  would  it  amount  to  ? 

A.  A diflerence  per  week  of  about  ^3. 

Q.  The  Board. — You  are  a member  of  L.  A.  2458  since  March  10th.  Did  you  belong 
to  the  International? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  At  the  time  the  strike  was  declared  ? 

A.  I did. 

Q.  Who  ordered  you  on  strike? 

A.  The  International. 

Q.  You  are  still  out? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  What  did  it  cost  you  to  join  tlie  Assembly? 

A.  The  International  Union  paid  it. 

Q.  Do  you  know  how  many  more  of  the  ladies  who  were  members  of  the  International 
had  their  fees  paid  for  them  ? 

A.  All  those  who  were  on  strike  had  their  fees  paid  for  them  until  they  got  to  work 
again. 

Q.  Who  said  that? 

A.  Mr.  Dohne. 

Q.  Did  you  wish  to  join  the  Order? 

A.  I did. 

Q.  Had  you  ever  been  solicited  to  join  before  March  10th  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Did  you  know  that  you  were  going  to  join  the  Order,  and,  if  so,  how  long  before  tho 
10th  of  March  ? 

A.  About  three  or  four  days. 

Q.  That  those  desiring  to  join  could  ? 


22 


A.  Yes  ; it  was  said  in  shop  meeting. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  see  a Constitution  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Who  told  you  that  it  was  necessary  for  you  to  join  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  No  one  told  me ; I did  it  for  my  own  benefit. 

Q.  Would  you  state  how  many  girls  joined  the  same  night  ? 

A.  There  were  over  fifty. 

Q.  So  they  must  all  have  had  the  same  thing  in  their  minds  together? 

A.  I suppose  so. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — When  you  were  initiated  did  you  or  did  you  not  find  quite  a 
number  of  bunch-makers  from  Levy  Bros.’  in  the  Order  ? 

A.  I did. 

Q.  Do  you  know  that  Lichtenstein  Bros.  & Co.  paid  the  fee  of  the  strippers  in  the 
Local  Assembly? 

A.  I don’t  know. 

Q.  You  have  been  out  two  months,  do  you  think  you  were  right? 

A.  I do. 

Miss  Tillie  Spurna,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

I am  working  for  Brown  & Earle  at  bunch-making. 

Q.  How  long  have  you  been  a member  of  L.  A.  2458  ? 

A.  Since  March  10th. 

Q.  What  Union  did  you  belong  to  before  the  10th  of  March  ? 

A.  The  International. 

Q.  How  long  previous  to  the  lOtii  of  March  were  you  aware  of  the  fact  that  you  were 
going  into  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  About  three  weeks. 

Q.  Who  informed  you  ? 

A.  1 don’t  know. 

Q.  Did  anybody  tell  you  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  How  much  did  it  cost  you  to  join  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  $1. 

Q.  Who  paid  it  ? 

A.  I did. 

Q.  Did  you  see  the  Constitution  of  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  see  a proposition  blajik  of  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  No. 

J.  Gumprincht,  a witness  called  in  behalf  of  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 
Worked  in  Brown  & Earle’s,  at  rolling;  am  a member  of  the  Order,  L.  A.  2458,  since 
December,  1884;  also  a member  of  the  International  for  seven  years. 

Q.  What  was  the  reduction  of  wages  ? 

A.  About  65  cents  per  1,000. 

Q.  What  difference  ? 

A.  About  $1.60  per  week;  I am  a slow  hand. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  you  go  on  a strike  from  Brown  & Earle’s? 

A.  Yes,  against  my  will ; was  forced  out  by  members  of  Progressive ; also,  tlie  Central 
Labor  Union. 

Q.  Explain  what  you  mean  by  being  forced  out  against  your  will  ? 


A.  As  a Union  member  T had  lo  await  the  action  of  my  Union  and  see  what  they  did. 

Q.  Were  yon  in  favor  of  accepting  tlie  reduction? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Did  yon  rather  prefer  the  plea  that  the  employees  should  be  locked  out  than  have  a 
general  strike? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Brotiieii  Haller. — What  do  you  call  forced  out?  Did  the  shop  adopt  any  resolu- 
tions? 

A.  No. 

Q.  The  shop  did  not? 

A.  At  the  first  meeting  prior  to  the  strike,  we  jjassed  a resolution  not  to  go  back  until 
we  got  the  wages. 

Q.  Brothior  Gompers. — In  that  compromise  effected,  accepting  reduction  of  wages  by 
the  committee  of  Central  Labor  Union,  was  it  ratified  by  Central  Labor  Union? 

A.  It  was  rejected  by  Central  Labor  Union. 

Q.  Is  it  customary  for  you  to  obey  the  order  of  any  other  Union  in  preference  to  your 
own  ? 

A.  No;  but  in  this  instance  I did  ; yes. 

Q.  Why  did  you  disobey  your  own  Union  for  another? 

A..  Because  a strong  committee  of  the  Central  Labor  Lhiiou  and  Progressive  influenced 
all  the  non-union  people  to  stay  out.  They  had  them  out  and  they  pulled  them  out,  because 
of  the  reduction.  Our  shop  is  one  of  the  strongest  in  the  city. 

. Q.  Do  you  say  you  came  out  before  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee  compelled  you 
to  stay  out  ? 

A.  No;  they  called  a meeting.  We  were  out. 

How  many  Knights  of  Labor  were  there  in  that  shop? 

A.  Not  over  ten ; all  belonged  to  L.  A.  24o8. 

Q.  You  were  ordered  to  remain  at  work  by  International  Union  for  five  days,  you  were 
forced  out  against  your  will,  you  never  appealed  to  Knights  of  Labor  or  International ; if 
the  Knights  of  Labor  had  ordered  you  to  return  to  work,  would  you  have  done  so? 

A.  I won’t  answer  it. 

Q.  If  the  Knights  of  Labor  had  ordered  you  back  to  Avork  while  the  case  was  being 
investigated,  would  you  have  gone? 

A.  Yes,  I would. 

Q.  After  the  non-union  people  were  influenced  to  close,  did  or-did  not  the  International 
Committee  say  that,  as  it  seems  impossible  to  keep  the  people  back  from  striking,  you  might 
as  well  go  with  them  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  many  Knights  of  Labor  are  working  at  Brown  & Earle’s  now? 

A.  They  are  all  Knights  of  Labor. 

Q.  Were  they  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  when  they  took  the  job  in  that  shop  ? 
A.  No. 

Q.  Did  they  go  to  work  while  the  striking  employees  of  that  shop  were  still  out  ? 

A.  Y"es. 

Q.  The  Board. — How  do  you  know  they  were  made  Knights  of  Labor  when  they  went 
to  work  in  that  shop  ? 

A,  They  told  me  so. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  they  were  made  Knights  of  Labor  before  they  went  in  that  shop? 

A.  One  day  the  strikers  of  the  shop  held  a large  meeting.  There  were  over  three-fourths 


24 


ont  that  day.  They  called  around  to  our  regular  meeting  place,  Thirty-eight  street,  and 
told  all  the  non-union  people  to  leave  our  meeting  place  and  go  over  to  Forty-first  street 
to  the  meeting  place.  I went  along  with  them  as  a striker.  As  I came  in  front  of  the 
saloon,  they  asked  me  what  I was  doing  there.  I answered : “ I am  a striker,  and  got  a right 
to  go  into  this  meeting  as  well  as  any  other  of  the  shop.’’  When  I came  as  far  as  the  door 
they  said : “ You  can’t  come  in  ; this  is  going  to  be  a meeting  to  take  all  the  strikers  in  the 
Knights  of  Labor.”  I said : “ If  it  is  a Knights  of  Labor,  I have  a right  to  go  in  anyhow.” 
But  they  would  not  let  me  in  without  I would  go  back  to  work  for  them.  They  would  then 
let  me  in.  This  I refused.  As  they  came  out,  those  we  had  on  the  strike  list,  that  we  had 
taken  out  the  day  before,  told  us : “We  don’t  care  now  if  you  call  us  all  the  scabs  you  want ; 
we  will  .be  Knights  of  Labor  now.” 

Q.  Brother  Haeeer. — Were  they  all  working? 

A.  Ko.  After  January  1st,  as  I came  back,  foreman  showed  me  price  list,  which  for 
cigar  called  T was  $5,  rolling  up,  which  is  now  $4.80  and  $4.90. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  heard  any  one  say  that  the  International  Union  was  going  to  declare 
war  on  goods  with  the  K.  of  L.  label  on  ? 

A.  Ko. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  seen  a circular  sent  out  by  the  International  Union  calling  for 
Unions  and  Knights  of  Labor  to  boycott  all  cigars  that  had  no  International  label  on? 

A.  AYs. 


Wednesday  Morning,  March  17,  1886. 

Henry  Peeler,  a witness  called  on  part  of  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows : 

I was  working  at  Brown  & Earle’s  shop,  rolling;  am  a member  of  the  Order,  L.  A.  2458, 
since  the  10th  of  March,  and  of  the  International  Union  since  1881.  The  reduction  on 
Kew  Y'ork  work  is  55  cents  per  1,000,  or  about  $1.40  per  week. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Was  Brown  & Earle’s  an  International  Union  shop? 

A.  Ko,  sir.  Was  not  an  International  shop,  but  was  composed  of  Progressive,  Inter- 
national and  non-union  men. 

Q.  Please  state  which  faction  was  the  strongest  in  the  shop. 

A.  Of  the  Unions,  the  Progressive  and  International  were  about  equal,  embracing  about 
two-thirds  of  all. 

Q.  So  the  non-unions  were  about  equal  to  either  of  the  other  two  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Hid  you  strike  or  were  you  ordered  out? 

A.  Forced  out  by  the  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Unions — a committee  from  each. 

Q.  Ho  you  know  the  names  of  the  committee  ? 

A.  I can  name  some  of  them — Progressive  Union:  Brueckmann  ancT  Fuhse;  Central 
Labor  Union : Sanders  and  Emerich.  About  three  to  five  more  that  I don’t  know  the 

names  of. 

Q.  Hid  the  Progressives  settle  this  strike  before  the  Knights  of  Labor  took  hold  of  them  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge. 

Q.  Hid  you  make  application  to  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  your  own  accord  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Have  you  read  the  Constitution  of  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Hid  you  fill  out  and  read  the  proposition  blank  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 


25 


Q.  Did  you  pay  your  initiation  fee  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Have  you  heard  it  said  by  any  person  that  the  International  Union  was  going  to 
declare  war  upon  the  Knights  of  Labor  or  goods  bearing  their  seal? 

A.  No,  sir.  Just  the  opposite. 

/ Q.  Have  you  seen  a circular  sent  out  by  the  President  of  the  International,  or  any  of  its 

officials,  asking  all  Unions  and  Knights  of  Labor  to  boycott  all  cigars  that  did  not  have  the 
International  label  on  them? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Did  L.  A.  2458  indorse  the  circular? 

A.  Don’t  know. 

Q.  Bkotiier  Gompers. — Did  the  members  of  the  International  Union  working  at  Brown 
& Earle’s  hold  their  regular  shop  meeting  before  the  trouble  occurred? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  every  Saturday. 

Q.  When  the  employees  of  Brown  & Earle  went  on  strike  against  the  reduction  of  wages, 
did  they  or  did  they  not  act  as  a unit  in  declaring  a strike? 

A.  Yes;  all  acted  together — International  Union,  I^rogressive  and  non-union. 

. Q.  Did  or  did  they  not  resolve  to  return  to  work  except  in  a body,  and  then  only  at  the 
old  rate  of  wages? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  During  the  strike  and  until  the  reduction  of  wages  had  been  accepted,  didn’t  you 
hold  your  shop  meeting  jointly  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  In  the  circular  calling  upon  all  to  boycott  all  cigars  not  bearing  the  International 
Union  label,  is  the  name  or  seal  of  the  International  Union  or  its  President  on  it? 

A.  No;  I believe  it  is  the  Strike  Committee  of  the  International  Union  of  New  York. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Was  the  reduction  accepted  by  the  Progressive  and  non-union 
men? 

A.  No,  sir;  only  by  the  Progressive  Union.  Non-union  people  went  in  that  shop  and 
made  it  a Knights  of  Labor  shop. 

Q.  How  long  after  the  acceptance  of  the  reduction  by  the  Progressive  Union  did  the 
non-union  people  remain  out? 

A.  Some  of  them  did  not  return  until  last  Thursday. 

Q.  Did  the  International  continue  to  hold  joint  meetings  with  the  non-union  people 
after  the  acceptance  of  the  reduetion  by  the  Progressive  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  they  declared  they  would  not  return  to  work  without  receiving  the  old 
wages.  They  were  frightened  by  the  Progressive  staling  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  had 
declared  the  strike  at  an  end. 

Brother  Fred.  Haller,  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

I am  a member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  since  September,  1883,  at  present  a member  of 
L.  A.  2814,  (that  is  where  I am  booked  as  a member,)  and  also  a member  of  the  Interna- 
tional. I was  on  the  Strike  Committee  of  the  International  Union  of  this  city  in  this  diffi- 
culty. The  Union  had  resolved  to  resist  the  reduction  of  wages  in  the  shops  of  the  Manu- 
facturers’ Association.  It  was  deemed  advisable  to  take  but  one  shop  at  a time.  The  shop 
of  Levy  Bros,  was  the  one  selected.  We  had  great  difficulty  in  preventing  the  eigar-makers 
in  the  fourteen  shops  of  the  Association  from  going  on  a general  strike.  After  the  strike  in 
Levy’s  shop  had  been  in  progress  three  or  four  days,  the  manufacturers  of  the  Association 
closed  their  shops,  locking  the  people  out ; that  is,  they  gave  three  days’  notice  to  their 
employees  that,  if  Levy  Bros,  were  not  supplied  with  a full  number  of  hands,  they  would 


26 


lock  out  at  the  exj^iration  of  the  three  days.  After  the  lock-out  was  in  force  eight  or  nine 
days  we  had  a suspicion  that  the  Progressive  Committee  were  clandestinely  dealing  with  the 
Manufacturers’  Association.  Our  suspicions  being  aroused  by  an  advertisement  in  the  New 
York  Volks-Zcitung,  calling  for  a special  meeting  at  the  unusual  hour  of  10,  A.  M.,  on  a 
work  day,  we  placed  two  pickets  at  the  entrance  of  the  Grand  Union  Hotel,  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Manufacturers’  Association.  The  pickets  asked  the  clerk  if  tliere  was  any 
session  of  the  Manufacturers’  7\.ssociation  that  day,  or  of  its  committee.  They  were  answered 
in  the  negative.  But  the  pickets  ascertained  through  the  bar-keeper  that  there  was  a session, 
and  that  a committee  was  present  at  the  session,  in  Parlor  A.  A man  was  sent  up  to  Parlor 
A to  seek  admission,  and  was  met  at  the  door  by  Mr.  Sanders,  of  tlie  Central  Labor  Union 
Committee,  and  informed  that  the  committee  of  the  Progressive  was  in  session.  Yv^ien  tlie 
pickets  reported  to  the  Strike  Committee,  a resolution  denouncing  the  action  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Committee  was  immediately  adopted  and  given  to  the  press.  It  so  happened  that 
the  result  of  the  conference  was  submitted  to  the  members  of  the  Progressive  Union  in  their 
various  branches  on  the  same  day  that  our  resolutions  appeared  in  the  press.  The  effect 
was  that  the  members  of  the  Progressive  Union  rejected  the  compromise.  The  committee 
of  the  Progressive  Union  then  immediately  began  to  confer  with  the  Manufacturers’  Asso- 
ciation again,  and  they  adopted  a resolution  that  the  International  Committee  should  not 
be  represented  at  that  conference.  A second  compromise  was  agreed  upon  there  in  which 
the  tenement-house  system  of  manufacturing  cigars  was  recognized  g,nd  given  sanction  by 
the  Progressive  Committee.  This  compromise  was  ratified  by  the  Progressive  Union  in  a 
general  meeting  in  which  the  tenement-house  workers  of  other  tenement-house  cigar 
factories  constituted  the  bulk  of  those  present.  When  this  became  known,  the  striking 
employees  of  the  three  shops,  in  their  meeting,  discussed  the  question.  Resolutions  were 
introduced  in  these  joint  shop  meetings  disapproving  of  this  act,  and  when  the  vote  was  to 
be  taken  on  those  resolutions  a number  of  the  Progressives  would  leave  the  shop.  This 
happened  in  all  three  shops  a numbef'  of  times.  Some  of  the  Progressive  members  who 
disapproved  of  this  compromise  remained  in  the  hall  with  the  other  strikers.  When  the 
manufacturers  opened  their  shops,  those  members  of  the  Progressive  Union  left  the  hall 
where  a vote  was  about  to  be  taken  when  the  resolutions  were  mentioned  and  returned  to 
work.  At  the  time  they  were  not  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor.  The  members  of  the 
International  and  non-union  people  and  the  Knights  of  Labor  remained  on  strike;  so  did 
the  packers  who  had  gone  out  in  support  of  the  cigar-makers.  In  the  mean  time  the  packers 
had  organized  in  the  Knights  of  Labor.  They  were  deceived  by  members  of  I).  A.  49. 
Over  a week  after  the  Progressive  had  returned  to  work  the  packers  were  told  by  officers  of 
D.  A.  49  that  the  firm  involved  had  agreed  to  pay  the  International  scale  of  prices.  There- 
upon the  packers  returned  to  work.  When  they  were  at  work  some  two  days  they  suspected 
they  were  being  deceived,  and  insisted  on  seeing  the  agreement  that  the  manufacturers 
would  pay  the  International  scale.  They  then  found  out  that  the  compromise  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Union  was  in  force,  and  that  the  manufacturers  had  made  no  change  from  that 
compromise.  Some  of  the  packers  tried  to  have  their  colleagues  come  out  of  the  shop 
again,  but  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  officers  of  D.  A.  49.  I am  informed  that  during 
this  difficulty  the  committee  of  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union,  of  which  I was  a 
member,  called  on  Mr.  F.  B.  Thurber,  at  his  request,  for  the  purpose  of  trying  to  find  a way 
of  settling  the  difficulty  at  McCoy’s  .shop.  There  we  were  met  by  Mr.  Daily,  of  the  Board 
of  Arbitration  of  D.  A.  49,  and  also  Mr.  Rodgers,  I believe,  of  that  Board.  The  result  of  that 
compromise  is  as  follows: 

Memorandum  of  points  formulated  February  24th,  at  a conference  of  gentlemen  inter- 
ested in  the  settlement  of  tlie  questions  pending  between  the  cigar  manufacturers  and  the 
cigar-makers: 


27 


1.  That  so  far  as  McCoy’s  factory  is  concerned  a scale  of  prices  is  to  be  established  not 
lower  than  the  scale  now  in  force  in  the  factory  of  Kerbs  & Spiess. 

2.  That  said  factory  is  to  be  exclusively  a Knights  of  Labor  shop. 

3.  That  there  is  no  objection  on  the  part  of  the  Internationals  to  their  men  becoming 
Knights  of  Labor,  nor  on  the  part  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  to  their  men  becoming  Union 
men. 

4.  That  the  old  employees  who  struck  against  the  manufacturers’  scale  be  reinstated  in 
said  factory. 

A copy  of  these  was  furnished  to  each  of  the  parties  present,  with  the  agreement  that  an 
answer  be  given  the  next  day.  The  following  day  our  committee  called  at  tlie  office  of  Mr. 
Thurber,  where  they  met  Messrs.  McCoy,  T.  B.  ]\IcGuirc,  Daily  and  Kodgers,  of  D.  A.  49. 
The  committee  of  the  International  Union  stated  that  it  had  agreed  to  tlie  proposition. 
Messrs.  McCoy,  T.  B.  McGuire,  Daily  and  Rodgers  objected  to  it,  so  the  conference  was 
then  broken  off.  At  the  first  one  of  these  conferences  Mr.  Daily  said  that  they  had  already 
legislated  the  International  Union  out  of  existence;  he  also  said  that  these  manufacturers 
of  the  Association  could  not  be  expected  to  pay  International  scale  of  prices,  bringing  in 
the  plea  of  competition,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  those  prices  (International  prices) 
are  being  paid  by  a number  of  large  and  small  manufacturers  of  this  city.  There  the 
matter  rests. 

Brother  Gompers. — What  was  the  spirit  with  which  the  committee  of  the  Inter- 
national Union  was  received  by  the  committee  of  D.  A.  49  at  Thurber’s  office? 

yl.  It  was  a spirit  of  decided  hostility.  As  an  illustration  of  that  spirit  I would  cite  as 
an  instance  that  T.  B.  McGuire  attempted  to  use  his  prerogatives  as  District  Master  Work- 
man to  prohibit  a man  by  the  name  of  Shields,  a Delegate  to  D.  A.  49,  I believe,  from 
taking  part  in  the  conference,  because  Shields  was  not  favorable  to  the  action  taken  by  the 
representatives  of  D.  A.  49,  and  denied  their  right  to  do  so.  Mr.  Thurber  intervened  by 
saying  that  he  had  invited  Mr.  Shields  to  be  there,  and  intimating  it  was  his  house,  and  no 
one  had  the  right  to  put  him  out. 

Q.  Did  or  did  not  T.  B.  McGuire  object  to  the  employment  of  the  strikers? 

A.  He  did. 

Q.  Was  he  or  was  he  not  told  that  several  of  the  strikers  were  members  of  the  Order? 

yl.  lie  was  told  that  a number  of  them  were. 

Q.  When  some  of  the  workmen  had  accepted  the  reduction  in  wages  and  returned  to 
work,  and  before  the  committee  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  D.  A.  49  interfered,  what  were 
the  situation  and  chances  for  success  of  the  strike? 

yl.  In  my  opinion  they  were  very  favorable.  I don’t  believe  that  any  strike  of  work- 
ingmen of  such  dimensions  ever  looked  so  favorable  as  that  one  did  at  the  time. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Who  were  the  committee  that  went  up  to  the  hotel? 

yl.  They  were  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Union. 

Q.  How"  did  you  know"  all  about  those  resolutions? 

A.  We  didn’t  know  what  w"as  done  there:  w"e  only  knew'  they  W'ere  in  secret  conference ; 
that  we  (Inteinational)  W'ere  not  represented,  nor  w'ere  the  non-union  people  represented 
there. 

Q.  You  stated  that  Brother  McGuire  objected  to  the  employment  of  the  strikers,  and 
you  said  that  he  w’as  told  that  a number  of  them  were  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  long  had  T.  B.  McGuire  know’n,  before  this  conference,  they  were  Knights  of 
Labor  ? 


28 


A.  I don’t  know  how  long  before ; but  this  I do  know,  that  one  of  the  strikers  of 
McCoy’s  shop  was  a Delegate  to  D,  A.  49.  His  name  is  Bernard  Davis. 

Q.  How  long  before  this  were  they  members  ? 

A.  I don’t  know. 

Q.  Have  you  beard  any  one  say  that  the  International  Union  was  going  to  declare  war 
on  the  goods  bearing  the  K.  of  L.  label  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Not  anything  in  reference  to  it? 

A.  I know  this,  that  the  feeling  was  to  declare  war  against  the  goods  of  Levy  Brothers, 
McCoy  and  Brown  & Earle. 

Q.  Kegardless  of  what  label  was  on  them  ? 

A.  That  was  the  feeling  of  some  members. 

Q.  Do  you  know  of  or  have  you  seen  a circular  sent  out  by  Mr.  Strasser  calling  on  all 
Unions  and  Knights  of  Labor  to  boycott  all  cigars  that  did  not  bear  the  International 
label ? 

A.  Have  not  seen  or  heard ; that  is,  from  the  International  President. 

Q.  Have  you  seen  any  circular  sent  out  calling  for  the  same ; if  so,  state  whether  it  was 
by  the  authority  of  the  officials  of  the  International  Union  ? 

A.  I have;  but  the  officials  of  the  International  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  if  they 
had  I would  have  known  it. 

Q.  And  those  circulars  were  not  by  authority,  not  of  the  officers  of  the  International 
Union? 

A.  No ; they  were  not. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  heard  any  person  say  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  were  going  to  declare 
war  on  the  International  Union? 

A.  Yes;  not  exactly  in  those  terms.  The  terms  in  which  I heard  that  assertion  were: 
“We,  the  Knights  of  Labor,  are  going  to  wipe  out  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union.” 

Q.  Did  those  who  you  said  you  heard  make  that  statement  have  the  authority  to 
make  it  ? 

A.  I don’t  know  if  they  had  the  authority  to  do  so ; but  one  who  I heard  say  that  was 
an  officer  in  D.  A.  49. 

Q.  Who  has  the  authority  to  make  such  a declaration  for  our  Order  ? 

A.  The  General  Executive  Board  and  the  General  Assembly. 

Q.  Have  you  heard  any  such  declaration  made  by  this  Board  ? 

A.  I have  not. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  or  did  you  not  hear  such  a statement  made  by  a member 
of  the  General  Executive  Board  ? 

A.  I did  not  hear  it. 

Q.  [Shown  Doc.  1.]  Is  that  the  International  seal? 

A.  Y"es;  it  is. 

Q.  Those  circulars  sent  out  by  Strike  Committee,  were  they  signed  by  the  Strike  Com- 
mittee? 

A.  Signed  “ The  Strike  Committee.” 

Q.  [Shown  Doc.  2.]  Is  this  one  sent  out  by  the  Strike  Committee? 

A.  Yes ; it  bears  no  signature  of  this  committee. 

Q.  [Shown  Doc.  3.]  Was  this  sent  out  by  your  committee? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  No  signature  of  Strike  Committee? 


29 


A.  The  general  Strike  Committee  signed  for  the  Local  Unions  involved  in  this  strike  in 
this  city. 

Q.  Do  yon  wish  to  say  anything  in  connection  with  those  circulars? 

A.  No;  they  can  speak  for  themselves. 

Q.  Were  the  officers  of  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  ever  advised  or  their 
consent  given  before  the  three  different  circulars  shown  you  were  issued,  and  do  you  know 
that  the  International  Executive  Board  was  never  consulted? 

No  answer. 

Q.  Do' you  know  the  names  of  the  Executive  Board? 

A.  Yes;  I can’t  repeat  them. 

Q.  Is  any  member  of  the  Board  present  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  the  Executive  Board  of  the  International  Union  have  taken 
any  steps  to  prevent  or  recall  them  ? 

A.  I don’t  know  that  the  Executive  Board  is  at  all  aware  of  the  existence  of  those 
circulars. 

Q.  Tlieir  printing  and  circulation  ? 

> A.  No. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Do  you  mean  all  that  ? 

A.  Ido. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  the  International  Union  Executive  Board? 

A.  No;  I hold  no  office. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  they  did  not  receive  the  sanction  of  the  Executive  Board? 

A.  Because  I am  a member  of  the  Strike  Committee  who  issued  the  circulars;  attended 
every  meeting. 

Frank  Guntner,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

I work  in  Brown  & Earle’s  at  rolling,  and  joined  the  International  Union  five  years  ago, 
and  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  February,  1883.  The  reduction  of  50  cents  per  1,000  with 
the  compromise  makes  a diflerence  of  about  $1.40  per  week. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Have  you  remained  in  good  standing  in  L.  A.  2458  since  1883  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  You  are  now  on  strike? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  By  whose  order  ? 

A.  The  International  Union  ordered  me  out,  and  I understood  I was  to  receive  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Order. 

Q.  Did  the  Progressive  Union  make  this  compromise? 

A.  They,  wdth  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  the  Central  Labor  L^nion  repudiate  the  compromise? 

A.  It  did. 

Q.  When  the  Progressive  accepted  the  compromise,  Avhat  was  the  position  of  the  strike  ? 

A.  Very  good.  We  held  these  three  shops — Levy  Bros.,  Brown  A Earle,  and  McCoy. 

Q.  When  the  Progressive  accepted  that  compromise,  what  was  the  action  of  the  packers? 

A.  They  condemned  the  action  of  the  Progressive  Union,  and  resolved  not  to  return  to 
work  until  all  aggrieved  should  be  reinstated  (return  to  work)  and  the  old  prices  should  be 
restored  previous  to  January  2d. 

Q.  When  the  packers  resolved  to  remain  out  on  strike,  was  that  favorable  to  the  Striking 
Committee’s  position  ? 


30 


A.  Most  decidedly.  Even  if  they  had  enough  scab  cigar-makers  the  goods  could  not 
have  been  sold  without  being  packed. 

Q.  Brother  Haller.- — What  did  the  Progressive  Union  do  after  the  packers  passed 
that  resolution  in  reference  to  the  cigar-makers’  packers,  after  the  packers  refused  to  return 
to  work  ? 

A.  They  sent  a committee  to  the  packers,  and  threatened  if  they  did  not  return  to  work 
they  would  do  all  in  their  power  to  fill  their  places. 

Q.  Did  they  try  to  fill  their  places  ? ‘ 

A.  They  did ; they  even  went  so  far  as  to  put  unskilled  men  in  their  places. 

Q.  Did  they  succeed  in  getting  enough  packers  to  fill  their  places  ? 

A.  They  did  not  until  D.  A.  49  interfered. 

Q.  How  did  D.  A.  49  interfere  ? 

ui.  They  promised  the  firm  that  they  would  give  them  the  white  label,  providing  they 
made  Knights  of  Labor  shops,  and  then  ordered’the  packers  to  go  to  work. 

Q.  At  the  time  the  packers  were  ordered  back  to  work,  were  the  cigar-makers  working 
in  the  shops  already  initiated  or  not  in  the  Order  ? 

A.  They  were  not.  ' 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  they  were  taken  in  after  that  ? 

A.  Ido. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — What  Union  did  the  packers  belong  to  ? 

A.  Packer’s  Union  No.  2. 

Q.  You  say  we  held  these  three  shops.  Who  do  you  mean  by  we? 

A.  The  strikers. 

Q.  Were  those  three  shops  under  the  control  of  the  International  Union? 

A.  The  International  only  controlled  its  own  members,  and  the  non-union  men,  through 
principle  and  to  fight  the  reduction,  made  common  cause  with  the  International. 

Q.  Yon  stated  here  everything  looked  favorable  until  D.  A.  49  interfered? 

A.  \"es,  sir. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  D.  A.  49  interfered  ? 

A.  Was  told  by  the  packers  of  Packers’  Union  No.  2. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  that  D.  A.  49  made  promises  to  manufacturers  to  give  them  the 
label? 

A.  Because  the  manufacturers  made  each  of  its  employees  join  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
telling  them  that  they  had  to  get  the  white  label. 

Q.  Are  you  one  of  those  packers  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  the  manufacturers  made  the  people  join  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  The  strikers  who  succeeded  in  getting  employment  in  the  factories  of  the  combined 
manufacturers  were  told  that  they  would  have  to  join  the  Progressive  Club,  which  is  a 
Local  Assembly  attached  to  D.  A.  49. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers.: — Those  packers  belonging  to  Packers’  Union  No.  2,  did  they 
say  they  were  going  to  be  members  of  the  Order  ? 

A.  They  told  me  that  all  persons  employed  in  the  three  factories  had  to  join  the  Knights 
of  Labor  of  D.  A.  49. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — When  those  packers  told  you  that  all  persons  working  in  those 
three  shops  had  to  join  tlie  Knights  of  Labor,  did  they  not  say  before  said  manufacturers 
could  receive  the  Knights  of  Labor  labels? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Did  they  say  anything  about  labels  ? 


31 


A.  The  manufacturers  told  them  theyJrad  to  have  the  white  label  and  had  to  have 
Knights  of  Labor  shops.  , 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Did  they  or  did  they  not  speak  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  label 
to  oppose  the  International  Union  label? 

A.  1 have  not  heard  from  packers. 

Q.  Have  you  heard  it  at  all? 

A.  I did. 

Q.  From  whom  ? 

A.  From  cigar-makers  scabbing  in  those  three  factories. 

Brother  Samuel  Gompers,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Lmion,  testified  as 
follows: 

I have  been  a member  of  L.  A.  2458  since  its  institution,  a member  of  the  Cigar-makers’ 
International  Union  since  its  institution,  (except  an  interruption  of  about  six  months,)  and 
also  a member  of  tlie  general  Strike  Committee  of  the  Unions  of  the  city  of  New  A'ork. 
As  a member  of  that  committee  I have  had  considerable  to  do  with  the  management  of  the 
strike,  and  know  that  in  the  shops  of  Levy  Bros.,  Brown  & Earle  and  McCoy  large  reduc- 
tions of  wages  have  taken  place.  I was  present  at  many  of  the  shop  meetings,  both  during 
the  strike  and  lock-out,  and  heard  the  resolutions  testified  to  by  the  witnesses  discussed  and 
voted  upon.  When  tlie  Progressive  resolved  to  accept  the  reduction  of  wages  the  packers 
still  refused  to  return  to  work  unless  the  old  wages  were  restored  and  strikers  re-employed. 
The  situation  was  very  peculiar,  inasmuch  as  they  had  made  a contract  with  the  employers 
and  were  unable  to  fulfil  it.  The  strike  at  that  time  was  in  a position  looking  towards  suc- 
cess, I am  personally  aw'are  of  the  fact  that  a committee  of  D.  A.  49  interfere;!.  Whether 
in  this  they  had  authority  of  D.  A.  49  or  not  I don’t  know,  except  that  I have  tlie  word  of 
the  committee  that  they  had  authority.  On  arriving  at  the  headquarters  of  the  general 
Strike  Committee  one  morning,  I was  informed  that  the  packers  of  Levy  Bros.’  shops  were 
about  to  return  to  work,  and  was  told  to  go  to  their  meeting  place  and  ascertain  the  truth  or  fal- 
sity of  that  rumor.  I went  there  and  found  the  packers  in  session.  I inquired  and  learned 
that  the  committee  of  I).  A.  49  had  been  there  and  told  the  packers  that  the  influence  of  the 
entire  Order  would  be  brought  to  bear  and  fill  up  the  places  of  the  cigar  packers  of  the  three 
striking  shops,  and  that  this  was  their  only  chance  to  become  initiated  into  the  Order  and 
return  to  work.  I know  that  Mr.  Kodgers,  of  D.  A.  49,  in  a meeting  of  cigar  packers, 
denounced  the  International  Union,  and  told  the  packers  that  the  International  Union  was 
not  and  would  not  be  considered  by  the  Knights  of  Labor ; that,  if  those  packers  decided  to 
join  the” International  Union,  they  could  not  become  members  of  the  Order  of  Knights  of 
Labor ; that  the  Cigar-makers’  Local  of  the  Order  (L.  A.  2458)  was  not  recognized. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Have  you  heard  any  one  say  that  the  International  Union  was 
going  to  declare  war  on  cigars  bearing  the  Knights  of  Labor  label  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Have  you  heard  that  Mr.  Strasser  had  sent  out  a circular  asking  all  Unions  and  As- 
semblies of  the  Knights  of  Labor  to  boycott  all  cigars  except  those  that  had  the  Inter- 
national blue  label  .on  the  box? 

A.  Pie  never  issued  such  a circular.  If  he  had  I would  have  known  it. 

Q.  Has  Mr.  Strasser,  in  his  capacity  as  President  of  your  Association,  the  right  to  issue  a 
circqlar  of  the  description  I stated  ? 

A.  I don’t  know. 

Q.  Brother  Haller. — Plave  you  ever  heard  any  one  say  that  the  Knights  of  Labor 
were  going  to  wipe  out  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  or  declare  war  against  them  ? 


32 


A.  Yes,  several ; some  in  very  high  authority  in  the  Order,  and  who  \YOuld  be  presumed 
to  speak  in  an  official  w’ay. 

Q.  Who  was  it  ? 

A.  General  Secretary-Treasurer  Frederick  Turner,  District  Master  Workman  T.  B. 
McGuire,  of  D.  A.  49,  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Arbitration  and  Strikes,  and  Brother 
Daily,  of  D.  A. >49.  Brother  Turner  made  that  remark  on  several  occasions;  once  in  the 
presence  of  General  Master  Workman  PowderJy  and  Brother  Hayes. 

Q.  Brother  Bailey. — Don’t  you  know  that  no  one  or  two  members  of  the  Board  could 
declare  war  against  any  trade  union  in  the  name  or  by  authority  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  I know  that.  But  I also  know  that  statements  coming  from  so  high  an  official,  and 
about  the  making  of  which  there  is  no  secrecy,  convey  weight  and  influence.  I wish  to 
say  I am  not  desirous  of  taking  up  the  time  of  the  committee.  For  the  sake  of  brevity,  I 
indorse  the  testimony  of  Brother  Fred.  Haller  in  every  particular. 

Brother  J ohn  D.  Kirchner,  a witness  called  for  the  International  Union,  testified  as 
follows : 

I became  a member  of  the  Order  during  the  great  railroad  strike  of  1877  ; have  not  been 
connected  with  any  other  organization  except  the  Order  until  1880,  when  I became  a charter 
member  of  International  Union  Ko.  10,  and  have  been  a member  of  that  organization  ever 
since,  wdiile  at  the  same  time  continuing  membership  in  L.  A.  53  of  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
and  am  now  an  Executive  Officer  of  Cigar-makers’  Union.  I have  been  directed  by  my 
superiors  in  authority  to  read  the  following  protest,  [Document  4 :] 

Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  March  6,  1886. 

T.  V.  Poivderly,  Esq.,  G.  M.  W.  of  the  K.  of  L.: 

Dear  Sir  ; — The  recent  action  of  your  Organizers,  and  of  D.  A.  49  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  of  New  A'ork  City,  in  interfering  with  the  management  of  our  strike,  compels  me  to 
submit  my  protest  against  the  action  of  such  persons.  The  Cigar-makers’  International 
Union  has,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  approved  a strike  against  a reduction  of  wages  in 
several  shops,  Avhich  is  still  in  progress.  From  personal  investigation  and  information 
received,  the  fact  appears  that  the  scabs  in  the  shops  of  Levy  Bros.,  Frank  McCoy  and 
Brown  & Earle  have  been  organized  as  members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor.  The  employers 
of  these  scabs  have  also  been  promised  the  white  label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  on  the  pro- 
duction in  their  factories,  evidently  as  a reward  for  employing  scab  labor  and  paying  low 
wages.  I consider  the  action  of  your  Organizers  in  New  York  (flty,  and  of  D.  A.  49  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  a bold  and  unscrupulous  attack  upon  recognized  trade-union  principles, 
and  as  hostile  to  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  in  particular. 

At  the  same  time  1 call  your  attention  to  a letter  which  you  have  mailed  on  December 
28th,  1885,  to  William  H.  Foster,  Secretary  of  the  Federation  of  Trades.  In  that  letter 
you  disapprove  of  such  crimes  as  liave  been  committed  against  the  Cigar-makers’  Inter- 
national Union  in  New  York  City. 

Should  you  fail  to  denounce  the  action  of  your  Organizers,  &c.,  in  New  York  City,  you 
will  merit  the  condemnation  of  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union,  and  of  every  National 
Trade  Union  in  the  country. 

The  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Manufacturers’  Association  admitted  in  my  presence 
to  you  that  they  would  be  compelled  to  surrender  in  case  you  w'ould  refuse  to  help  them 
out  of  the  trap  in  which  they  had  caught  themselves. 

I now  demand  action  on  your  part.  Should  you  fail  to  listen  to  the  warning  contained 
in  my  letter,  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  will  be  compelled'  to  protect  itself 
against  unscrupulous  employers  and  so-called  labor  reformers. 

Yours,  respectfully,  A.  STBASSER,  International  Union. 

In  following  up  that  protest,  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  and  its  Executive 
Officers  hold  that,  in  matters  affecting  the  cigar  industry,  its  jurisdiction  is  second  to  no 
other  organization;  that  if  it  is  not  supreme  it  is  at  least  coequal,  and  will  not  permit  the 
settlement  of  a strike  inaugurated  by  it  unless  such  settlement  has  been  concurred  in  by  the 


33 


International  Union;  and,  in  matters  of  strikes,  demands  the  obedience  of  its  members  to 
the  strike  provision  contained  in  its  Constitution.  [Here  presents  Constitution,  Doc.  5.] 

I,  as  well  as  all  other  members,  have  always  regarded  that  a cigar-maker  was  deficient  in 
duty  if  he  was  not  connected  with  the  International  Union.  The  Executive  Officers  do  not 
look  upon  L.  A.  2458  as  an  authority  to  tlie  strikes  approved  by  the  International  Union, 
• and  now  going  on  in  McCoy’s,  Brown  & Earle’s  and  Levy  Bros.’  Neither  do  we  regard  as 
such  L.  A.  2814  or  D.  A.  49,  those  organizations  not  having  inaugurated  those  strikes.  I 
further  regard  the  action  of  L.  A.  2458  as  rendering  some  little  assistance  to  an  honorable 
branch  of  toil.  Even  the  very  existence  of  the  International  Union  is  threatened  by  the 
persistent  and  continuous  demands  made  by  the  Knights  of  Labor  for  cigars  with  the  white 
label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  also  the  blue  seal  adopted  by  L.  A.  53,  Knights  of 
Labor,  one  manufacturer  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  having  over  one  year  ago  ordered  one 
of  the  members  of  the  International  to  either  join  the  Order  or  to  quit  his  employ.  I know, 
further,  that  the  firm  of  T.  G.  Dunn  & Co.,  of  Philadelphia,  notified  four  of  the  International 
members  in  their  employ  to  either  join  the  Knights  of  Labor  or  quit  the  shop.  Some  of 
the  members  in  that  shop  informed  me  that  he  would  deduct  their  initiation  fee  from  their 
, weekly  wages.  I have  been  informed  by  Albert  Gumpert  that  his  agent  reported  to  him 
that  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  the  Southwest  exclusively  demand  the  white  label.  As  an 
Executive  Officer  of  the  International  Union,  it  has  come  to  my  knowledge  in  various  ways 
that  there  is  (although  it  may  not  be  open  or  officially  so)  an  hostility  to  the  further 
j spreading  of  the  International  Union.  It  is  my  desire  as  an  Executive  Officer  to  avoid,  if 
possible,  any  open  warring  of  the  two  forces,  and  to  this  end  I will  submit  the  following 
proposition,  and  urge  on  all  whom  I may  have  any  influence  with  its  adoption  : 

Astor  House,  Broadway  and  Vesey  St.  I 
New  York,  ]\Iarch  16,  1886.  / 

To  the  General  Master  Workman  and  Members  of  thfi  General  Executive  Board  of  the  Knights 

of  Labor: 

The  undersigned  respectfully  submits  the  following  points  as  a basis  for  settling  the  diffi- 
culties between  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  the  Cigar-makei’s’  International  Union  of 
America: 

1st.  Whereas  the  hands  in  the  employ  of  McCoy  & Co.,  Levy  Bros,  and  Brown  A Earle 
are  out  on  strike  against  a reduction. of  wages  with  the  almost  unanimous  approval  of  the 
organized  cigar-makers  of  the  country ; and  whereas  such  strike  has  been  defeated  by  the 
interference  on  the  part  of  certain  members  of  D.  A.  49  by  organizing  the  scabs  in  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  and  furnishing  the  scab  bosses  with  the  Knights  of  Labor  label,  in  the 
face  of  our  indignant  and  just  protest; 

Therefore,  we  demand  that  the  General  Executive  Board  denounce  the  action  of  D.  A. 
49  as  against  organized  trade-union  principles. 

2d.  That  inasmuch  as  the  above-mentioned  strike  was  the  result  of  the  action  taken  by 
the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  of  America,  no  honorable  settlement  of  the  same 
can  be  ordered  unless  concurred  in  by  that  organization;  and  to  this  end  the  Executive 
Board  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  in  justice  to  itself  as  well  as  to  the  rightful  demands  of 
labor,  annuls  the  membership  of  the  scabs  employed  by  the  above-named  firms,  by  pro- 
nouncing their  admission  into  the  Order  as  a gross  violation  of  the  principles  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor,  and  that  the  Locals  attached  to  D.  A.  49,  as  well  as  D.  A.  49,  be  prevented  from 
issuing  any  more  labels  for  their  product. 

We  demand  the  above  action  because  we  hold  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  had  no  right  or 
authority  to  interfere  in  the  strike,  inasmuch  as  the  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  of 
America  was  the  only  proper  authority,  by  virtue  of  the  strike  having  been  the  i*esult  of  its 
action  only.  Should  the  above  be  the  result  of  your  deliberation,  we  would  most  sincerely 
submit  the  following  counter  proposal: 

1st.  That  a joint  conference  be  arranged  between  the  General  Executive  Board  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor  and  a similar  number  from  the  Cigar-makers’  International  LTnion  of 

C 


34 


America  on  the  question  of  admitting  the  entire  International  Union  into  the  Order  as  a 
Local  Assembly,  upon  the  following  basis: 

2d.  The  government  of  such  Local  to  be  upon  the  system  of  the  present  Constitution  of 
the  International  Union  of  America. 

3d.  The  present  blue  label  of  the  International  Union  shall  be  designated  as  the  only 
label  to  be  used  for  cigars,  and  all  other  labels  now  in  use  by  members  of  the  Order  to  be 
abolished. 

4th.  All  Locals  not  now'  working  similar  to  and  in  sympathy  with  the  International 
Union  shall  be  ordered  to  surrender  their  charters,  and  their  members  ordered  to  connect 
and  conform  to  the  system  of  the  new  Local  thus  formed  by  attaching  themselves  to  its 
various  branches  in  their  respective  localities. 

5th.  The  Local  Assembly  thus  formed  shall  observe  the  same  law's  to  the  general  body 
of  the  Order  as  is  now  observed  by  other  Locals,  under  the  Constitution  governing  Local 
Assemblies. 

6th.  The  officers  of  the  new  Local  to  be  constituted  from  the  present  officers  of  the 
Cigar-makers’  International  Union  of  America. 

7th.  The  foregoing  six  points  to  become  law  and  in  full  force  only  upon  the  proper 
approval  of  the  same  by  the  organization. 

Eespectfully,  JOHN  S.  KIRCHNER, 

Fourth  Vice-President  Cigar-makers’  International  Union  of  America. 

As  an  Executive  Officer,  I hereby  testify  that  the  International  Union  has  no  connection 
with  any  circulars  produced  before  this  Board  to-day,  March  17th.  Thb  Board,  as  such, 
only  has  knowdedge  of  one  circular  bearing  upon  the  present  difiiculties,  and  that  circular 
was  issued  by  the  President  drawing  the  attention  of  the  members  to  the  attempt  of  D.  A. 
49  to  counteract  the  success  of  our  blue  label.  I desire  to  emphatically  disowm  Document  1 
being  issued  as  a circular  by  the  International  President. 

[Here  reads  a letter  from  the  President,  which  also  says  this : “ They  have  printed  my 
letter  to  Pow'derly  without  my  consent,  putting  the  seal  of  the  International  Union  on  the 
same.”] 

As  an  Executive  Officer  of  a fervent  organization  which  has  always  been  in  the  front  rank 
for  the  battle  of  labor’s  emancipation — having  made  immense  sacrifices — it  is  at  least 
entitled  to  a consideration ; and  it  extremely  regrets  the  probability  of  being  forced  to 
maintain  its  identity. 

Q.  Brother  Baieey. — Do  you  or  the  International  Union  object  to  members  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor  asking  for  cigars  or  other  goods  bearing  the  label  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor? 

A.  Yes  ; on  cigars.  The  reason  we  object  is  that  it  works  mischief  and  confusion. 

Q.  Does  the  International  Union  consider  all  shops  not  under  their  control  scab  shops  ? 

A.  There  is  no  declaration  in  the  laws  of  the  Union  to  that  effect,  although  w'e  hold  so, 

and  some  of  us  ride  as  high  a horse  as, — well  as  some  of . [Meaning  Knights  of 

Labor.] 

Q.  In  reference  to  those  circulars  that  have  been  shown  you,  do  you,  as  an  Executive 
member,  discountenance  such  ? 

A.  I disapprove  of  them,  except  Document  2.  The  reason  I approve  of  Document  2 is 
because  it  boycotts  the  three  strike  shops. 

Q.  What  do  you  mean  by  the  interference? 

A.  This  : Where  we  have  a strike  conducted  under  our  expense  and  management,  the 
action  of  any  parties  not  requested  by  us  is  to  be  considered  as  an  unwarranted  interference. 

Q.  Were  those  three  shops  struck  by  the  International  Union  ? 

A.  Y'es,  sir. 

Q.  Is  this  letter  you  read  the  one  you  talked  about  having  in  your  pocket  to  hurl  broad- 
cast, if  the  Knights  of  Labor  did  not  accept  your  terms  ? 


35 


A.  Did  not  use  any  such  language. 

Q.  Did  you  say  to  Brother  Hayes,  in  the  Bingliam  House,  Philadelphia,  that  you  had 
the  document  in  your  pocket  to  declare  war  unless  you  got  justice? 

A,  According  to  the  letter  in  my  pocket  there  will  be  war,  and  this  is  the  document, 
[Doc.  4.]  In  connection  with  this  I stated  to  Brother  Hayes  that  I was  sorry  that  the 
International  President  was  so  severe  in  his  letter.  Brother  Barry  said  to  me,  on  Eleventh 
street  near  Chestnut  street,  that  if  we  wanted  fight  they  would  give  us  all  we  wanted. 

C.  Did  not  the  International  Union  attempt  to  strike  thirteen  Knights  of  Labor  out  of 
a shop  in  Philadelphia. 

A.  International?  No. 

Q.  Did  any  member  of  the  International  Union? 

A.  The  hands  working  in  Gumpert  Brothers  did  strike,  in  disregard  of  the  By-Laws, 
against  those  thirteen  people.  Those  hands  were  instructed  by  me  not  to  offer  any  resistance 
to  those  thirteen  going  to  work  the  next  morning. 

Q.  Were  not  the  thirteen  members  ordered  back  by  the  Executive  Board  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor,  and  you  said,  after  a long  discourse:  Well,  the  Gumperts  put  them  back  in  the 
morning? 

A.  Yes  ; but  the  hands  would  not  have  tolerated  it  had  I not  gone  to  the  factory.  The 
International  Union  hands  in  the  shop  struck  against  those  thirteen  because  they  were 
Progressives,  not  because  they  were  Knights  of  Labor,  their  going  into  the  Order  being 
regarded  as  a surreptitious  move.  The  membership  of  the  Progressive  generally  going 
into  the  Order  I regard  as  a move  to  carry  over  into  the  Order  the  old  feud  existing 
between  the  Progressive  and  the  International. 

Q.  Brother  Gompers. — Does  it  require  a majority  of  the  Executive  Board  to  issue  a 
circular  ? 

A.  Y"es. 

Q.  It  is  the  complaint  that  was  made  that  members  of  the  Order  ask  only  for  white- 
label  cigars,  is  it  not? 

A.  Yes;  to  all  intents  and  purposes. 

The  following  extract  was  presented  as  evidence,  page  140,  Doc.  21,  of  the  General  As- 
sembly Proceedings  of  1885: 

Appeal  dismissed,  but  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following: 

That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  General  Assembly  that  no  Board  of  Arbitration  representing 
the  Knights  of  Labor  should  enter  into  any  contract  which  shall  permit  the  employment 
of  so-called  “scab’’  labor. 

On  motion,  it  was  voted  to  adopt  the  recommendation  of  the  committee. 

Monday,  March  22,  1886. 

L.  Jabltnowskt,  a witness  called  for  the  Progressive  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

The  manufacturers  issued  a statement  to  the  public  asking  a readjustment  by  arbitration. 
A few  days  after  this  was  published,  a committee  of  Central  Labor  Union  thought  it  wise  to 
go  up  to  the  manufacturers  and  ask  them  if  this  was  a bona  fide  offer.  They  answered, 
yes.  The  committee  left.  A few  days  later  I received  the  following  letter,  [Document  7 :] 

New  Y"ork,  January  28,  1886. 

Officers  of  Progressive  Union: 

Gents. — On  Saturday,  January  23,  1886,  a committee  representing  the  Central  Labor 
Union  of  this  city  called  upon  the  United  Cigar  Manufacturers  in  the  interest  of  your 
Union  to  inquire  whether  the  request  made  in  the  letter  to  the  public,  proposing  a confer- 
ence, was  a bona  fide  ofier.  We  now  inform  you,  as  we  informed  them,  that  it  was  a bona 
fide  offer,  and  we  request  that  you  inform  us  whether  you  are  desirous  of  meeting  us  on  that 
subject.  By  order  of  the  President.  JOSEPH  OPPENHEIMEK,  Secretary  U.  C.  21. 


36 


"We  called  a meeting  of  tlie  Strike  Committee  and  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee 
also.  After  some  discussion  they  concluded  to  notify  the  manufacturers  that  they  Avould 
go  into  conference  with  them.  The  argument  was  first  brought  up,  if  it  would  not  be  wise 
to  invite  the  International  Union  to  the  conference  also;  but  as  the  matter  of  Kerbs  & 
Spiess’  was  still  fresh  in  their  minds,  and  also  remembering  the  fact  that  the  agreement  was 
broken,  they  resolved  not  to  invite  them.  The  conference  was  held  in  the  Grand  Union 
Hotel.  We  consulted  and  could  not  come  to  any  understanding.  We  were  standing  out  at 
the  old  prices,  and  adopted  the  following  resolution,  [Document  8:] 

Whereas,  the  committee  having  had  no  further  instructions  as  to  you  (the  Cigar  Manu- 
facturers’ Association)  to  open  your  shops  on  the  prices  paid  prior  to  January  1,  1886,  we,  as 
committee,  will  receive  your  proposition  and  report  the  same  to  our  Union  for  action. 
Signed  by  the  Committee  of 

CENTRAL  LABOR  UNION, 
CIGAR-MAKERS’  PROGRESSIVE  UNION. 


To  this  the  manufacturers  responded  by  the  following,  [Document  9 :] 


Resolved,  That  a Committee  of  Five  be  and  is  hereby  appointed  to  confer  with  a committee 
of  the  Central  Labor  Union  of  New  York  and  the  Cigar-makers’  Progressive  Union  No.  1, 
for  the  purpose  of  altering  and  modifying  the  present  price  list,  and  to  report  back  to  this 
Association  for  final  action.  The  committee  appointed  under  this  resolution  are  : Messrs. 
McCoy,  B.  Lichtenstein,  A.  Prochaska,  B.  Newmark  and  J.  Oppenheimer. 


This  was  reported  to  our  Union,  and  they  appointed  a Conference  Committee  to  act  with 
the  Central  Labor  Union.  The  outcome  of  the  next  conference  was  that  the  bosses  were 


willing  to  pay  25  cents  per  thousand  on  dry  mould  work ; were  also  willing  to  make  a 
special  price  list  for  fresh  work,  with  increase  of  wages.  This  was  brought  before  the  Union, 
as  the  committee  had  only  power  to  receive  and  report.  The  proposition  was  not  accepted 
by  the  Progressive  Union.  A short  time  after  another  conference  was  called  by  the  bosses, 
and  the  result  was  as  follows,  [Document  10:] 


This  agreement,  made  this  5th  day  of  February,  1886,  witnesseth : 

1st.  This  Association  pledges  itself  to  open  their  various  factories  on  the  basis  of  an 
equalization  of  the  prices  as  paid  prior  to  January,  1886,  in  said  factories,  such  equalization 
to  be  made  as  hereinafter  specified. 

Tlie  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  LTnions  shall  agree  to  resume  work  on  such  basis,  and 
such  agreement  shall  be  made  in  writing  by  their  proper  authorized  otficers.  They  shall 
appoint  a committee  wdth  power  to  act  in  accordance  with  a committee  of  this  Association, 
and  the  Joint  Committee  thus  appointed  shall  visit  the  various  factories  of  the  members  of 
the  National  Cigar-makers,  and  have  power  to  examine  pay  rolls  and  price  lists;  and  the 
prices  so  obtained  shall  be  collated,  and  the  average  of  the  entire  number  shall  be  the 
established  price  for  the  particular  class  of  work  under  which  the  various  prices  are 
obtained. 

2d.  Immediately  after  such  average  price  is  obtained,  notice  shall  be  served  to  the  manu- 
facturers and  the  hands  that  the  shops  will  be  opened  in  accordance  therewith  for  work 
vithin  twenty-four  hours  thereafter,  to  whomsoever  of  them  shall  apply  for  work. 

By  order  of  the  President. 

JOSEPH  OPPENHEIMER,  Secretary. 


This  was  adopted  by  the  Union  in  a general  meeting. 

The  committee  of  the  Progressive  Union  and  Central  Labor  Union  then  went  to  work  on 
the  basis  of  the  old  prices  paid  before  January  1st.  The  new  prices  were  formed,  which  were 
adopted  by  the  Union.  [Document  11.] 

There  might  be  a reduction  at  some  places,  but  the  increase  was,  in  a large  majority, 
as  follows,  [Document  12 :] 


37 


Levy  Bros 

McCoy 

Bondy  & Lederer., 

Ottenberg  Bros 

Kaufrnann  Bros.... 

Brown  & Earle 

Lichtensteins 

Jacoby  & Co 

Hey  man  Bros 

Brussel  & Co 

Levin  & Martin..., 
Kaufman,  Br.  & B, 
Sutro  & Newmark, 
Lies  & Co 


HANDS. 

300 

500 

300 

350 

150 

300 

400 

425 

150 

100 

200 

300 

300 

350 


GAIN. 

0.75 


0.70 

8.10 

2.40 


5.50 

1.85 

2.30 

1.75 

5.15 
2.65 

2.15 
1.10 

34.30 


SORTS. 

3 

*4 

12 

8 

13 

8 

8 

7 

10 

7 

10 

5 

95 


LOSS. 

2.90 

7.20 

3.85 


0.20 

4.60 
0.15 

2.60 

1.15 
2.05 


1.80 

0.15 

2.70 

29.35 


SORTS. 

11 

15 

9 

*3 

7 

2 

6 

3 

6 

5 

1 

9 

77 


Monday,  ^larch  22, 1886,  2 o’clock,  P.  M. 

Emil  Emericii,  a witness  called  for  the  Progressive  Union,  testified  as  follows: 

We  were  appointed  by  the  Central  Labor  Union  to  assist  the  Progressive  L^nion.  The 
committee  were:  Charles  II.  Beadlis,  II.  Sanders,  Julius  Brenneg,  Paul  Wilsic  and  William 
Merten.  The  matter  was  difficult.  It  took  fwo  weeks  to  find  out  what  to  do  in  the  case, 
there  being  so  many  Local  Unions.  We  then  decided  to  go  to  the  Strike  Committee  of  the 
International  Union.  We  sent  a sub-committee,  Sanders  and  myself,  with  a committee  of 
two  from  the  Progressive.  We  explained  what  ^\•e  were  appointed  for,  and  said  that  when 
they  took  any  action  they  should  notify  us,  and  when  we  took  any  action  we  would  notify  them. 
Brother  Gompers  made  a great  s[)eech,  and  said  that  they  were  about  to  deal  with  the  whole 
matter  themselves,  as  they  felt  very  confident  to  handle  it.  They  were  glad  to  see  us  there, 
but  we  should  not  interfere  with  them  at  all.  Haller  made  the  same  speech  that  Gompers 
did.  Finally,  they  allowed  us  to  hear  the  resolution  they  had  just  passed,  which  said 
they  would  call  Levy  Bros.’  shop  and  Love’s  shops  on  strike,  and  asked  the  Progressive 
Union  to  call  out  Love’s.  There  was  no  further  action  taken  that  night,  and  we  adjourned 
until  next  day.  Progressive  did  not  call  out  Love’s  shop.  They  decided  to  call  out  Brown 
& Earle’s  shop,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  as  many  men  in  there  as  the  International 
Union.  The  same  morning  we  saw  in  the  papers  that  the  International  Union  called  Love’s 
shop  on  strike,  where  the  Progressive  had  over  five  hundred  members.  Then  the  Pro- 
gressive called  out  Brown  & Earle’s.  Brother  Sanders  and  myself  went  to  their  shop  meet- 
ing to  see  what  they  decided  about.  We  met  Brother  Haller  there.  He  made  a very 
strong  speech,  and  denounced  our  committee  in  a notorious  manner ; but  with  all  that  the 
shop  meeting  (not  all  Union)  resolved  to  go  on  strike  by  a very  large  majority. 

The  reason  the  Progressive  decided  to  call  out  Brown  & Earle’s  shop  was  because  they 
were  equally  divided,  and,  if  they  had  to  pay  strike  money,  the  International  Union  would 
have  to  pay  as  much  as  they.  Two  days  after  we  met  the  Strike  Committee,  the  International 
Union  broke  their  agreement  with  us,  in  so  far  as  they  went  to  Levy  Bros,  and  had  a confer- 
ence with  them,  without  giving  us  notice.  But  a picket  of  the  Progressive  found  it  out  and 
hurried  up  and  went  into  that  meeting.  The  most  which  any  shop  has  been  dealt  with  was 
Kerbs  <&  Spiess’.  Their  committee  (the  International  Union)  made  an  agreement  that 
should  last  for  a year.  There  were  nearly  one  hundred  Progressive  men  there.  The  Inter- 
national called  a shop  meeting  in  Lefiler’s  Hall.  Quite  a hot  discussion  was  going  on,  and 
then  they  went  for  police.  When  the  police  arrived  they  were  all  very  much  excited. 


38 


Q.  How  many  police  ? 

A.  Four  policemen,  two  detectives  and  one  sergeant ; I think  that  many.  They  could 
not  keep  order.  It  made  them  more  excited,  and  they  left  there  and  went  to  the  shop  and 
held  another  meeting  in  the  presence  of  the  bosses  and  foreman  and  one  dozen  police.  There 
were  about  250  men  to  join  the  International  Union.  No  one  was  allowed  to  speak  but  the 
bosses  and  foreman.  They  had  quite  a trouble  to  fill  the  shop,  and  had  to  get  other  men  to 
fill  it.  Our  committee  met  again  and  decided  to  take  some  steps  to  see  if  we  could  settle 
this  and  bring  in  the  good  men  from  the  street,  so  we  decided  to  go  to  the  Manufacturers’ 
Association.  We  decided  first  to  go  to  the  International  Union,  in  spite  of  their  breaking 
the  agreement,  and  invite  them  to  go  along  to  the  Manufacturers’  Association.  They  told 
us  that  they  could  not  do  so — they  would  have  to  get  higher  authority ; but  that  they  would 
give  us  an  answer  as  soon  as  possible.  But  they  ignored  the  invitation,  and  we  have  not 
received  any  answer  yet.  Now,  just  for  the  sake  of  those  good  men,  we  went  to  the  Manu- 
facturers’ Association  in  the  Grand  Union  Hotel.  There  was  a committee  of  the  Central 
Labor  Union,  Progressive,  and  a member  of  the  Packers’  Union.  We  stated  our  object 
and  they  were  only  too  glad  to  see  us  there.  Then  the  discussion  arose  upon  the  price 
list.  We  demanded  of  them  that  they  should  open  their  shops  under  the  old  prices, 
pending  a settlement.  They  refused  to  do  so,  and  then  a price  list  was  made  and  returned 
to  a vote  of  the  Progressive  Union,  and  was  refused.  The  result  of  this  we  reported  to  the 
bosses’  Association,  and  that  we  could  not  see  them  any  more.  If  they  wanted  to  see  us 
they  must  let  us  know.  We  received  (at  least  the  Progressive  did)  a letter  to  come  up 
to  the  Association,  together  with  our  committee.  After  we  went  there,  and  after  hours  of 
discussion,  we  agreed  upon  another  plan — that  the  Progressive  Union  report  back  to  the 
Union,  and  ask  for  a committee,  with  power  to  act,  and  that  the  Manufacturers’  Association 
should  do  the  same.  The  Progressive  Union  called  a general  meeting  (the  hall  was  packed) 
to  decide  upon  this  plan.  The  meeting  decided  that  the  committee  have  power  to  act  and 
establish  an  average  price  list,  and  the  Association  was  informed  of  that  fact.  We  started 
the  next  morning  and  commenced  with  Levy’s  shop,  and  went  to  the  fourteen  manufacturers 
and  every  factory  in  which  there  was  a Shop  Committee.  We  asked  them  if  they  were  sat- 
isfied with  the  prices;  if  they  were  not,  we  would  correct  them.  The  committee  knew  the 
prices,  and  we  found  them  correct.  This  way  we  did  for  three  days.  On  the  fourth  day  we 
started  to  average  up  the  prices,  taking  the  highest  to  count.  Th  ^ result  of  it  was  that  in 
but  three  shops,  in  some  work,  there  was  a slight  reduction,  and  in  !all  the  other  shops  there 
was  an  increase.  This  average  was  accepted  by  both  committees,  and  the  Union  accepted 
it.  A good  many  said  that  this  price  list  was  a great  advantage  to  them.  Now,  the 
understanding  was  made  in  the  beginning  that  the  lowest  must  be  not  less  than  $7,  and 
in  that  price  we  raised  a good  many  cases.  I compared  the  price  list  with  the  price  list  of 
Kerbs  & Spiess’,  and  I found,  as  far  as  I can  calculate,  that  the  list,  in  many  instances,  was 
better  than  the  list  of  the  International  Union  of  Kerbs  & Spiess’.  This  matter  was  ended, 
and  the  trouble  in  the  Central  Labor  Union  came  up,  and  they  tried  to  defeat  our  price  list, 
but  they  failed  to  do  it.  Then  they  tried  to  knock  the  Progressive  Union  out  of  the  Central 
Labor  Union,  in  which  they  failed  also.  They  tried  to  bring  the  International  into  it,  and 
in  that  they  failed.  The  price  list  was  accepted  by  the  Central  Labor  Union. 

Q.  Who  were  the  Strike  Committee? 

A.  Gompers,  Haller  and  Herman;  that  I know.  Strasser  was  the  director  of  the  Strike 
Committee. 

Q.  What  did  Gompers  mean  when  he  said  they  intended  to  deal  with  the  matter  them- 
selves ? 


39 


A.  That  the  International  Union  was  the  only  Union  in  the  cigar-making  trade,  and 
that  no  other  trade  had  anything  to  say. 

Q.  You  stated  the  International  Union  had  broken  agreement  with  your  Joint  Com- 
mittee? 

A.  We  learned  they  were  holding  a secret  meeting  with  Levy  Bros.  This  is  a matter 
of  fact. 

Jacob  Wolf,  a witness  called  for  the  Progressive,  testified  as  follows : 

Q.  The  Board. — Now  please  state  to  this  Board  the  position  you  held  in  your  Assem- 
bly, and  the  action  of  the  Assembly  regarding  the  present  trouble;  why  you  took  the  cigar - 
makers  into  the  Order,  and  when? 

A.  I am  Master  Workman  of  L.  A.  2814  since  .January  1st,  1886.  On  February  12th 
the  lock-out  was  declared  at  an  end  by  the  Central  Labor  Union  and  Progressive  Union  of 
New  York,  and  each  man  was  given  notice  to  go  to  work.  After  a week’s  time  the  Manu- 
facturers’ Association  called  on  the  committee  of  our  Local  to  l>e  present  at  their  meeting 
at  the  Grand  Union  Hotel.  They  then  expressed  a wish  to  obtain  a label  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor.  They  had  made  a contract  with  the  open  Union,  which  allowed  tenement-house 
work.  I,  acting  as  a committee,  said  we  would  not  go  into  any  transaction  unless  they 
abolish  the  tenement-house  system  altogether;  and  further  said  that,  before  they  could  get 
the  label,  each  and  every  person  in  tlie  shop  must  belong  to  the  Order,  and  that  the  Order 
did  not  allow  children  under  the  age  of  sixteen  years  to  be  taken.  The  manufacturers 
then  presented  me  with  a resolution  that  they  would  agree  to  give  up  tenement-house  work, 
and  to  all  further  conditions.  I presented  that  to  our  Local,  and  it  was  approved  F ebruary 
18th.  [See  Minute  Book,  page  153.]  Tlie  shops  of  Levy  Bros.,  McCoy,  George  P.  I^eace 
and  Brown  & Earle  were  pro{)o.sed  in  our  Local  on  February  25th.  [See  Minute  Book, 
page  156.]  They  were  balloted  for  and  elected. 

Q.  Wlio  do  you  mean  by  “they  were  elected?” 

A.  The  cigar  and  bunch-makers  of  those  shops  were  taken  into  our  Local,  and  we  handed 
the  propositions  of  all  the  other  work-people  to  tlie  Locals  of  their  trade.  At  a special  meet- 
ing, February  26th,  [see  Minute  Book,  page  158,]  tlie  cigar  and  bunch-makers  of  McCoy’s 
shop  answered  the  requirements  of  the  Order  and  were  admitted,  there  being  248  members. 
On  February  27th,  [see  iNlinute  Book,  page  158,]  the  cigar  and  bunch-makers  of  Levy’s 
shop  were  admitted  after  answering  all  requirements,  there  being  278  members.  On  March 
1st,  at  a special  meeting,  [see  Minute  Book,  page  159,]  134  cigar  and  bunch-makers  from 
Brown  & Earle’s  shop  were  admitted  as  members. 

Q.  Were  all  those  whom  you  had  taken  in  as  members  up  to  this  time  the  ones  who 
were  proposed  on  February  18th  ? 

A.  They  were;  yes,  sir.  After  the  lock-out  was  at  an  end,  the  Central  Labor  Union  and 
Progressive  had  equalized  the  prices  in  the  shops,  but  at  the  same  time  had  allowed  the 
tenement-house  work  to  exist,  showing  us  that  the  proper  time  had  come  to  abolish  the 
tenement-house  and  child-labor  systems,  which  the  Unions  had  been  unable  to  do,  although 
trying  twelve  years.  We  thought  it  wise  for  our  Local  to  receive  the  applications  for  mem- 
bership from  the  workmen  of  the  different  shops.  We  jiroposed,  elected  and  initiated  them 
strictly  according  to  the  laws  of  our  Order,  and  have  accomplished  through  that  the  abol- 
ishment of  the  tenement-house  system  of  eleven  manufacturers  in  the  Association,  as  well 
as  child  labor;  and  also  got  each  and  every  workman  in  said  factories  up  to  the  men  organ- 
ized in  their  respective  trade  Locals,  after  we  had  the  stronghold  on  those  fourteen  manu- 
facturers. We  first  compelled  those  fourteen  (instead  of  tenement-house  cheap  floors)  to 
pay,  at  the  lowest  rate,  $7. 

Q.  What  was  the  price  paid  in  the  tenement  houses  previously  ? 


40 


A.  From  $5.65  to  $6.15.  We  then  started  for  the  outside  manufacturers,  after  resolving 
in  our  Local  not  to  allow  any  more  cheap  floors,  but  only  one  factory  price.  [See  page 
171,  Minute  Book,  March  14th,  1886.]  And  we  succeeded  in  getting  tlie  formerly  lowest- 
paid  shops  and  tenement  houses  up  to  the  standard  shop  price.  In  all  these  efforts  we  were 
successful,  but  at  the  same  time  were  hindered  by  the  action  of  the  International  Union. 

Q.  You  mean  to  say  that  all  this  took  place  after  the  lock-out  was  settled  by  the  Cen- 
tral Labor  Union  and  Progressive  ? 

4.  Yes ; and  even  mean  to  say  that  each  and  every  member  of  our  Local  was  fully 
convinced  that  there  was  no  further  trouble  between  the  employers  and  employees  of  those 
three  shops,  as  the  prices  were  equalized.  [Charges  against  L.  A.  2458  : See  Document  1, 

charges ; see  Document  2,  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Arbitration  and  Strikes  of  D. 
A.  49.] 

Thomas  Davis,  Robert  Kleinfield,  J.  Summerfleld  and  Jacob  Wolf,  working  at  No.  430 
Grand  street,  raised  the  price  of  our  work  from  $7  to  $8,  when  all  were  discharged,  under 
a pretence  that  the  manufacturer  would  not  work  any  more  seed  goods.  Then  the  In- 
ternational Union  stepped  in,  giving  the  privilege  to  make  this  work  for  $7.50,  and  making 
it  an  International  Union  shop.  When  we  heard  of  the  reopening  of  the  shop  we  called 
for  work,  but  were  told  we  had  to  be  International  Union  men,  or  could  not  get  any  work. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  they  made  this  agreement  ? 

A.  I was  told  that  as  I worked  there  so  long  he  would  give  me  a job,  but  I must  become 
a member  of  International  Union.  At  the  Upman  shop  the  oflicers  of  International  Union 
also  made  an  agreement,  through  which  about  ten  of  our  members  lost  their  job.  I called 
as  a committee  there,  and  the  superintendent  told  me  that  he  had  nothing  against  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  but  they  must  be  International  Union.  At  Hirschhorr’s,  a small  store  or 
factory,  a brother  by  the  name  of  Froderman  was  working  for  three  years,  but  was  struck  out 
because  he  would  not  become  an  International  Union  man. 

Philip  Mirsky,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testifled  as  follows: 

I am  working  in  Foster,  Hilson  & Co.’s;  cigar-maker — a Spanish  hand-worker;  am  a 
member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  for  about  six  months,  and  also  of  the  International  Union 
since  December  last.  About  flve  weeks  ago  the  boss  came  up  and  called  for  the  shop 
President  of  the  International  Union,  and  said  he  would  like  to  see  the  shop  made  an 
International  Union  one.  A week  after,  on  Saturday,  every  one  was  forced  to  join  the 
International  Union ; and  on  Monday  he  sent  away  all  his  hands,  but  told  them  to  come 
back  in  a few  hours  for  their  money.  When  he  gave  out  the  money  he  asked  each  of 
them  if  he  was  a member  of  the  International  Union,  and  said  they  could  work  if  they  were. 
On  the  Saturday  after  this  the  Secretary  of  the  shop  came  around  and  asked  everybody  for  his 
address,  and  some  of  the  workmen  asked  him  what  for.  So  he  gave  them  to  understand  that 
he  had  got  orders  from  the  International  Union.  On  the  Monday  after  this  the  boss  came 
up  in  the  shop  and  called  out  the  shop  President,  and  told  him  that  he  would  like  to  see 
the  shop  a Knights  of  Labor  shop.  President  said  he  would  try  to  do  it,  and  he  went 

away  and  brought  the  list  of  all  the  names  he  took  a few  days  before.  Then  he  talked  to 
the  workingmen,  telling  them  they  were  all  proposed  in  the  Knights  of  Labor.  I asked 
him  if  that  was  the  reason  he  took  the  names  on  Saturday.  He  said  yes.  I asked  him  why 
he  did  not  tell  me  on  Saturday  what  for.  “ How  do  you  know  that  they  are  not  members 
of  the  Knights  ?”  “ Well,”  said  he,  I know  you  are  a member,  and  I know  so  many  are 

belonging  to  the  Knights.”  He  said  if  I would  scratch  everybody  who  belonged,  he  would 
give  me  the  list.  He  told  the  other  workmen,  who  did  not  belong  to  the  Knights,  that 
they  had  to  give  him  50  cents  on  Saturday.  To  some  of  them,  friends  of  mine,  I said  if 
they  wanted  to  be  proposed  in  L.  A.  2814,  and  gave  me  their  names,  I would  propose  them. 


41 


After  he  knew  I belonged  to  L.  A.  2814  he  did  not  call  a shop  meeting.  The  shop  President 
of  the  International  Union,  Lewis  Mock,  and  two  more  of  the  International  Union,  stood  at 
the  door  and  told  each  one  that  if  they  did  not  pay  50  cents  they  could  not  work  any 
more.  He  only  succeeded  with  those  who  could  not  understand  what  he  meant,  and 
ordered  them  to  295  Bowery.  lie  initiated  on  Sunday,  the  next  day.  About  thirty  men 
were  taken  in  at  that  time,  and  the  most  of  them  did  not  know  that  this  Assembly  did  not 
belong  to  I).  A.  49.  When  I found  this  out  I went  to  the  President  and  asked  him  to  call  a 
shop  meeting  to  explain  to  the  people  about  the  Knights  of  Labor.  He  called  the  shop 
meeting,  and  he  told  them  he  didn’t  believe  that  honest  men  would  belong  to  D.  A.  49,  for 
only  scabs  belonged  to  that  District  Assembly.  Those  that  wanted  to  be  honest  would  join 
the  Defiance  Assembly,  No.  2458.  After  this  I took  the  floor,  and  said  I would  see  him  about 
this,  when  he  called  D.  A.  49  a scab.  I was  here  not  as  an  International  Union  man; 
I was  a member  of  the  Knights,  and  was  talking  in  the  interest  of  the  Order.  We  should 
have  nothing  to  do  with  a trade  union.  When  we  were  all  members  of  the  Knights,  we 
did  not  belong  to  any  trade  union.  Everybody  could  belong  to  the  Knights  of  Labor 
without  being  in  any  trade  union.  Then  the  President  called  me  to  order  about  this. 
I said  they  were  not  bound  to  belong  to  any  trade  union  when  they  belonged  to  the 
Knights.  There  was  a charge  made  against  me  in  the  International  Union  about  this.  I 
went  last  Tuesday,  22d  of  March,  to  the  Board  meeting.  I heard  the  report  of  the  Strike 
Committee,  and  they  said:  “We  need  one  more  man  now  to  go  out  and  agitate  for  the  blue 
label.  Brother  Haller  is  in  the  South,  Brother  Gompers  went  West,  and  we  will  send 
Kirchner  East.  They  can  go  into  all  the  Assemblies.  We  have  §4,000  over  from  strike 
fund  of  ten  per  cent,  from  the  wages,  paid  about  four  w'eeks  ago.  A new  assessment  of  25 
cents  per  member  is  to  be  paid  in  eight  weeks  to  advertise  in  the  daily  for  the  blue  label.” 

Lewis  Zeiger,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testified  as  follows  : • 

I am  a manufacturer  myself  at  233  East  29th  street.  New  York.  Mr.  Frederick,  pro- 
prietor of  the  hall,  295  Bowery,  said  to  me:  “ I had  a h 1 of  a trouble  yesterday  about 

the  cigars.” 

Q.  Ho'W  long  ago  ? 

A.  About  five  weeks.  I asked  him  what  the  trouble  was.  He  said  they  were  not 
fighting  about  the  cigars,  but  they  didn’t  want  the  white  label,  so  they  requested  him  to 
get  rid  of  the  white  label  and  put  the  blue  on  top  of  it.  He  would  not  give  me  any  name, 
so  I went  there  last  Sunday,  March  20th.  I found  one  man  of  L.  A.  2458  there,  but  no 
cigars  of  any  one’s  but  Straiton  & Storm’s.  I spoke  to  some  men  there  about  going  against 
my  cigars,  as  I had  eight  children,  and  it  was  not  fair  to  go  against  my  cigars.  The  young 
fellow  of  the  Defiance  said  : “We  don’t  care ; we  want  the  blue  label.”  I think  there  should 
be  some  protection  given  me  from  this  boycotting.  I have  been  a member  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor  for  five  years.  L.  A.  2458  meets  in  this  hall,  and  the  members  of  that  Assembly  will 
not  allow  the  white  label  sold  in  that  building. 

Boss,  a witness,  testified  as  follows: 

I worked  in  Louis  Ash’s  shop;  I am  a roller;  I was  getting  §7  per  1,000;  after  it  was 
made  an  International  Union  shop  the  price  was  §6.10. 

Q.  How  long  ago  was  this  ? 

A.  About  three  weeks  ago. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  the  International  Union? 

A.  No.  ' 

Q.  Are  you  still  working  in  this  shop  ? 

A.  No;  I was  discharged  because  I would  not  join  the  International  Union.  The  boss 
said  he  would  pay  my  fees  to  join  the  International  Union. 


42 


Q.  Are  you'a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  long  have  you  been  a member  ? 

A.  Three  weeks. 

A.  Fance,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testified  as  follows: 

I work  in  Ash’s  shop ; am  a bunch-maker.  I was  getting  $3.50  per  1,000  until  the  shop 
was  made  an  International  shop,  when  the  price  was  cut  to  $3.25. 

Q.  How  long  ago  was  this? 

A.  About  three  weeks  ago. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  the  International  Union  ? 

A.  No;  and  I was  discharged  because  I would  not  join  them. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Flow  long  have  you  been  a member? 

A.  Three  weeks. 

L.  Jablinowski,  a witness  for  the  Progressive  Union,  testified  that  a sub-committee  of 
both  the  Central  Labor  Union  and  International  Union  called  on  the  Progressive  Union. 
It  was  then  agreed  not ‘to  take  any  steps  in  the  matter  without  notifying  otlier  parties. 
Friday,  January  15th,  two  days  later,  without  giving  any  notice,  the  International  Com- 
mittee independently  called  on  Levy  Bros.  There  had  been  a strike  ordered  in  the  mean 
time  by  the  International  in  Levy  Bros.’,  and  in  Brown  & Earle’s  by  the  Progressive,  as  in  ' 
both  shops  both  organizations  were  evenly  represented.  We  don’t  know  why  the  Interna- 
tional called  on  Levy  Bros.;  we  didn’t  know  their  intention.  A few  days  later,  Strasser, 
Herman  and  Haller  called  on  Mr.  Oppenheimer  to  offer  to  make  the  same  agreement  that 
Kerbs  & Spiess  had  done.  After  the  lock-out  had  occurred  they  made  a kind  of  contract 
with  Kerbs  & Spiess,  which  threw  out  80  of  our  members,  (Progressives,)  and  300  non-union 
people,  as  they  did  not  want  to  be  forced  into  the  International.  After  the  lock-out  had 
lasted  three  weeks  and  all  this  had  been  done,  and  our  contract  made  with  the  International 
had  been  broken  by  the  International,  we  received  notice  from  the  Manufacturers’  Associa- 
tion that  they  would  be  willing  to  settle,  and  offered  25  cents  per  1,000,  in  addition  to  the 
price  list  issued  on  the  1st  of  January  by  the  Manufacturers’  Association;  also,  agreeing  to 
organize  full  Union  shop.  This  offer  was  refused  by  vote  of  the  Progressive  Union.  While 
all  this  was  going  on,  the  International  Union  representatives  in  the  Central  Labor  Union 
refused  to  recognize  the  Progressive  as  a bona  fide  Union.  After  fourteen  days’  time  they  (the 
International)  were  expelled  from  the  Central  Labor  Union.  Then  another  call  came  from 
the  Manufacturers’  Association  to  meet  them,  (the  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Union.) 
Not  knowing  if  the  International  was  invited  or  not,  sent  word  to  the  Packers’  Executive 
Board  of  the  open  Union.  This  conference  with  the  Manufacturers’  Association  took  place  on 
February  5th.  Then  they  offered  the  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Union  to  have  a 
uniform  price  list  on  the  rates  being  paid  before  January  1st,  but  no  cigar  should  be 
made  below  $7.  This  was  put  before  the  Union,  and  by  a very  large  majority  was 
received.  The  committee  of  Progressive  and  Central  Labor  Union  then  t..ok  three  days 
and  a half  to  make  out  the  equal  price,  taking  the  books,  pay  rolls,  as  well  as  consulting 
with  a Shop  Committee  of  each  shop,  and  the  final  result  was  this  price  list.  [See  Hoc.  11.] 
The  manufacturers  agreed  to  make  Union  shops  work  nine  hours  to  May,  and  from  May 
eight  hours.  This  settled  the  lock-out  between  the  cigar  manufacturers  and  the  workmen. 
As  to  each  man  who  had  worked  previous  to  January  1st,  his  job  was  secured  if  he  would 
call  within  twenty-four  hours.  The  Cigar-makers’  International  Union,  seeing  that  they 
were  losing  ground,  readily  accepted  the  increase  of  wages  in  other  shops,  (eleven  in  num- 


43 


ber.)  For  the  sake  of  equalization  of  the  wages  in  Levy  Bros/,  Brown  & Earle’s,  and  McCoy’s, 
prices  had  been  reduced  a little.  They  (the  International)  declared  those  the  shops  on  strike. 
The  strike  being  settled  for  the  members  of  Progressive  No.  1,  they  went  to  work  because 
they  were  assured  there  was  no  actual  reduction,  only  an  equalization  of  wages,  as  there  is 
no  decrease  on  the  average  earnings  throughout  the  whole  fourteen  shops.  They  then  tried 
to  keep  the  packers  away  from  those  three  shops.  All  people  working  there  were  doing  so 
by  the  consent  of  their  organization  and  the  Central  Labor  Union. 

Q.  What  proportion  of  the  workmen  in  those  three  shops  were  Progressive? 

A.  In  Brown  & Earle’s,  about  150  out  of  300. 

Q.  What  amount  of  the  employees  were  non-union  men? 

A.  100. 

Q.  What  amount  in  Levy’s  were  Progressive  men  ? 

A.  Out  of  300  we  had  about  50,  the  International  70,  the  balance  non-union.  In 
McCoy’s  we  had  120  Progressive,  45  International,  and  400  non-union. 

Q.  Who  pasted  up  those  notices  you  spoke  of? 

A.  After  the  usual  day  off  at  Christmas  and  New  Year’s,  to  take  account  of  stock  for 
their  report,  the  men  upon  returning  to  work  found,  to  their  astonishment,  a price  list  hung 
upon  the  walls  of  the  sixteen  shops,  made  by  the  manufacturers  themselves,  he:uled:  “To 
better  tlie  condition  of  the  workingmen.”  The  price  list  being  a great  reduction  of  the 
prices  paid  previous  to  January  1st,  the  Cigar-makers’  Progressive  Union  decided  not  to 
receive  the  price  list  presented  by  the  ^Manufacturers’  Association,  and  to  strike — the  Pro- 
gressive decUring  the  strike  in  Brown  & Earle’s  factory,  and  the  International  Union  in 
Levy’s.  Tlie  Manufacturers’  Association  then,  several  days  after  the  strike  in  the  two 
shops,  hung  up  another  notice  in  the  balance  of  the  shops,  (14  in  number,)  declaring  that 
on  and  after  a certain  date  their  shops  would  be  locked  up  if  the  men  in  the  two 
respective  sliops  did  not  go  to  work. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  the  committee  of  the  International  went  to  Levy  Bros.’? 

A.  After  agreeing  to  act  together  at  a late  hour  one  evening,  (half-past  eleven  o’clock,) 
a newspaper  reporter  called  at  the  office  of  the  Progressive  Union  and  informed  us  there 
would  be  a meeting  to-morrow,  the  15th  of  January,  at  Levy  Bros.’  In  consequence  of  this 
the  Progressive  put  out  a picket  and  saw  the  International  Committee  going  in,  and  after 
the  picket  saw  them  go  into  Levy  Bros.’  informed  our  Executive  Committee,  which  went  in 
also. 

Q.  How  do  you  know  that  the  International  Union  attempted  to  enter  into  a compact 
with  the  Manufacturers’  Association  detrimental  to  the  Progressive  Union  and  others? 

A.  Because  we  knew  they  struck  our  members  out  of  Kerbs  & Spiess’  two  days  before 
the  lock-out  took  place;  and  they  had  no  right  whatever  by  the  agreement  to  see  any  of  the 
firms  as  a separate  body ; they  also  deny  having  been  in  Mr.  Oppenheimer’s  house,  which 
we  prove  is  false  by  the  following  affidavit : 

State  of  New  York,  City  and  County  of  New  York,  ss.: 

Joseph  Oppenheimer,  being  duly  sworn  on  his  oath,  deposes  and  says : 

I am  personally  acquainted  with  Messrs.  Strasser,  Haller  and  Herman,  who  are  officers 
and  members  of  the  International  Cigar-makers’  Union.  That  on  either  the  21st  or  22d 
day  of  January,  1886,  I cannot  say  positively  whether  the  21st  or  22d,  but  I do  say  posi- 
tively that  on  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  said  days,  in  the  evening  of  said  day,  at  about 
eight  o’clock,  the  hall  door-bell  of  my  residence,  No.  169  East  70th  Street,  New  York  City, 
was  rung,  and  I,  happening  to  be  in  the  hall  at  the  time,  opened  the  door.  I found  the  said 
Strasser,  Haller  and  Herman  on  my  door  step.  They  entered  my  house,  taking  off  their 
hats  and  overcoats  in  the  hall  and  depositing  the  same  on  the  hat  rack,  and  then,  in  response 
to  my  invitation,  they  entered  the  library  or  reception-room  on  the  parlor  floor  of  said 
house,  and  were  seated  there  and  remained  there  with  me  for  a portion  of  the  time,  in  the 


44 


presence  of  my  wife,  Tillie  Oppenheimer,  to  whom  they  were  introduced  on  her  entering  the 
room  in  which  we  were,  and  stayed  there  until  they  (the  said  Strasser,  Haller  and  Herman) 
left  my  house,  which  was  between  the  hours  of  11  and  12  o’clock,  or  about  midnight  of  said 
day. 

During  said  time  the  said  three  named  gentlemen  drank  wine  and  smoked  cigars  which 
I furnished  to  them.  The  attendance  of  these  gentlemen  at  my  house  on  this  occasion  was 
in  pursuance  of  an  appointment  made  through  Mr.  Louis  Hass,  of  the  firm  of  Kerbs  & 
Spiess,  Kew  York  City.  I further  say  that  I know  the  three  named  gentlemen,  have  often 
met  them,  and,  on  my  positive  oath,  do  allege  and  assert  emphatically  and  without  the 
slightest  reservation  that  said  meeting  took  place  at  my  house,  and  that  any  statement  of 
denial  to  the  contrary  is  false  and  untrue. 

The  foregoing  affidavit  is  true  on  my  oath  and  on  my  honor  as  a man. 

JOSEPH  OPPENHEIMER. 

Sworn  before  me  this  17th  day  of  February,  1886. 

MORRIS  S.  WISE,  Notary  Public,  New  York  County. 

Q.  Was  the  settlement  of  this  strike  and  lock-out  effected  previous  to  the  workingmen 
of  those  three  shops  joining  the  Knights  of  Labor? 

A.  Yes,  sir.  And  as  the  Progressive  and  the  other  Union  could  not  do  away  with  the  tene- 
ment-house work,  we  called  on  the  Knights  of  Labor  to  help  us.  We  received  from  the 
manufacturers  the  following,  agreed  to  by  their  Association : 

New  York,  February  25,  1886. 

Resolved,  That  this  Association  agrees  to  give  up  the  tenement-house  systeni ; provided,  tliat 
those  now  working  under  that  system  shall  be  allowed  to  open  a separate  floor,  wherein  the 
prices  for  cigars  made  shall  be  $7  per  1,000  for  all  from  4 inches  up  to  and  including  4^ 
inches,  and  $7.50  for  all  above  4|  inches  up  to  and  including  5 inches.  And  the  Association 
further  agrees  that  not  over  one-third  of  the  product  of  the  factories  shall  be  made  on 
this  specified  separate  floor;  provided  farther,  that  by  such  action  they  shall  become 
entitled  to  and  shall  obtain  the  Knights  of  Labor  labels  for  all  goods  of  their  production  so 
soon  thereafter  as  all  the  persons  in  their  employ  shall  have  been  made  members  of  the 
Order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor. 

JOSEPH  OPPENHEIMER,  Secretary  U.  C.  M. 

We  thereupon  organized  those  three  shops  into  the  Knights  of  Labor. 

Our  intention,  when  the  bosses  put  up  the  price  list,  was  to  be  united  in  this  struggle, 
although  the  International  and  Progressive  were  fighting.  To  prove  that,  the  Executive 
Board  of  Union  No.  1,  in  executive  meeting,  held  on  Sunday,  January  3d,  8,  P.  M.,  instructed 
me,  as  Secretary  of  the  Union,  to  write  to  all  Local  Unions  of  the  International* Union  com- 
prising the  city  of  New  York  (except  the  Packers’  International  Union  of  the  city,  No*. 
213,  which  is  a scab  organization)  the  following  letter : [See  page  5.] 

This  was  sent  to  the  following  : International  Union  of  New  York  City  and  Union  No.  13; 
Charles  D.  Schuelzer,  No.  144  ; M.  Dampf,  Secretary  of  Packers’  Independent  Union  No.  2 ; 
Julius  Brenning,  No.  141 ; Edward  Snyder,  No.  10 ; and  Fred.  Haller,  who  was  made 
Secretary  of  the  International  Union  on  the  same  evening.  He  was  the  previous  National 
Secretary  of  the  Progressive.  This  was  written  Jan.  4th.  At  that  time  the  lock-out  was  not 
declared,  nor  Avas  the  strike.  From  all  this  correspondence  our  Union  did  not  receive  any 
answers,  except  from  International  Union  No.  10.  [See  page  5.] 

The  others  did  not  answer  it  at  all.  Two  days  before  the  lock-out  a shop  meeting  of  Kerbs 
& Spiess’  was  called,  on  account  of  the  foreman  stating  it  should  be  an  International 
shop.  The  Progressive  Union  had  in  this  shop  80  members,  and  there  was  one  Interna- 
tional, the  rest  being  non-union.  Forschner  and  L.  Jablinow'ski,  representing  the  Pro- 
gressive, Strasser,  Gompers,  Haller  and  L.  Berliner,  representing  the  International  Union, 
were  present.  The  International  were  trying  to  convince  those  people  that  it  was  for  their 
benefit  to  join  the  International  Union,  for  the  day  before  an  agreement  was  made  with  the 


45 


firm  that  this  shop  should  be  an  International  Union  shop,  which  means,  none  shall  work 
there  unless  they  are  members  of  the  International  Union.  They  were  disappointed  by  seeing 
that  they  favored  the  Progressive  instead,  if  they  were  compelled  to  join  any.  The  speaker 
of  tlie  Progressive  argued  for  the  International  not  to  throw  the  firebrand,  by  throwing  80 
Progressive  members  out  of  employment,  on  the  eve  of  this  trouble.  But  their  future  action 
showed  tliey  did  not  care  for  it,  as  the  shop  was  organized  anyhow  by  the  aid  of  the  police, 
and  the  firm  advancing  the  entrance  fee  for  the  members,  and  the  80  men  were  fired  out.  300 
non-union  people  declined  to  join  the  International  Union,  and  also  went  on  strike  with  the 
Progressive.  By  this  unwise  action  80  men  were  thrown  out  in  the  middle  of  winter,  and 
the  Union  had  to  support  them.  This  action  of  the  International  Union  caused  a bitter 
feeling  against  them,  since  which  time  an  advertisement  has  appeared  in  the  U.  S.  Tobacco 
Journal  making  Kerbs  & Spiess’  an  International  Union  shop. 

None  of  those  80  men  went  back  except  those  who  were  forced  to  join  the  International 
Union  to  save  their  positions.  This  is  to  show  how  we  were  treated  when  we  were  attempt- 
ing to  act  in  unison  with  them.  The  International  Union  v'as  also  aware  that,  according  to 
tiie  Constitution  of  the  Progressive  Union,  this  meant  paying  to  each  of  those  80  men  §5 
a week,  and  also  to  support  the  non-union  members.  This  was  a terrible  burden  on-* 
the  members  of  the  Union  on  the  eve  of  a lock-out.  The  purpose  was  clear  to  us,  to  clean 
out  our  treasury  so  that  any  settlement  made  with  the  bosses  would  make  an  International 
Union  shop.  Kaufmann  Bros.’  shoj),  on  Third  Avenue,  also  belonged  to  the  Manufacturers’ 
Association,  and  hung  up  the  price  list;  but  the  men,  wlio  are  mostly  Progressive  Union 
men,  struck  and  nuwle  application  for  strike  to  the  Union.  While  the  application  was 
pending,  the  International  Union,  without  giving  us  any  notice  whatever,  declared  Love’s 
shop,  which  is  a strict  Progressive  Union  shop,  comprising  500  members,  entitled  to 
benefit.  This  means  $2,500  a week  out  of  our  treasury.  [See  Progressive  Constitution, 
Article  VI,  Section  2,  page  7.]  Thereby  another  attack  was  made  to  ruin  us  financially  ; 
but  this  trick  was  prevented  by  our  people  remaining  at  work.  The  situation  became  more 
clear  to  the  Pi*ogressive  Union.  It  meant  that  the  intention  of  the  International  Union 
was  not  to  fight  against  the  bosses,  but  really  to  take  every  opportunity  to  crush  out  of  ex- 
istence the  Progressive  Union.  The  shop  of  Love’s  was  therefore  not  ordered  on  strike  by 
the  Progressive  Union,  but  the  Executive  of  our  Union  ordered  Brown  dc  Earle's  shop  on  strike, 
where  a majority  of  our  people  were  working.  In  this  shop  members  of  the  International  Union 
were  working.  We  supported  all  the  members  we  took  out,  costing  $600  a week.  To 
tlie  80  men  of  Kerbs  and  Spiess’  we  paid  $5  a week,  and  to  the  non-union  married  men  $3, 
and  to  the  single  men  $2.50.  We  still  had  a tenement-house  strike  on  our  hands  of  110 
men,  costing  $550  a week.  The  International  Union  ordered  Levy  Bros.’  shop  on  strike, 
where  we  had  45  or  50  men,  without  giving  us  notice  at  all.  This  was  a day  previous  to  our 
Executive  Committee  ordering  out  Brown  & Earle’s  shop,  Fred.  Haller  did  his  utmost  in 
the  shop  meeting  of  Brown  & Earle’s  to  pursuade  the  men  not  to  go  out,  but  only  referring  to 
Love’s  shop  that  they  should  go  out.  The  Central  Labor  Union  Committee  in  one  of  the 
meetings  adopted  a proposition  made  by  a member  of  Central  Labor  Union  Committee 
before  ever  the  lock-out  began,  or  before  any  strike  was  in  force  by  either  one  of  the  Unions, 
that  due  notice  must  be  given  to  both  parties  of  all  the  actions  which  should  be  done  by 
either  one  of  the  Unions.  This  meant  a conference  with  the  manufacturers  on  ordering 
strikes  in  any  of  Ihe  shops.  We,  as  Progressive  Union,  gave  our  promise  to  do  so  and 
kept  it.  Two  days  after  this  promise  was  made  to  the  Central  Labor  Union  Committee, 
Messrs.  Emerich,  Sanders  and  Fusse,  of  the  Progressive,  a conference  took  place  in  the  office 
of  Levy  Bros.’  No  committee  either  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  or  ours  got  any  notice 
of  this  conference,  but  while  our  Executive  was  in  session  a reporter  came  into  our  office 


46 


working  for  news.  He  stated  that  a conference  would  be  held  to-morrow  in  Levy  Bros.’ 
office.  This  was  reported  to  the  Executive  immediately,  and  they,  fearing  that  the  outcome 
between  the  manufacturers  and  the  International  Union  would  not  benefit  the  Progressive 
Union,  and  as  it  was  a violation  of  their  agreement  made  with  us,  appointed  a committee  to 
use  every  means  to  take  part  in  this  conference  by  appointing  a picket,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
watch  those  who  went  into  the  factory.  Our  committee  was  placed  in  a saloon  opposite  Levy’s 
factory,  at  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning.  The  members  of  the  International  Strike  Committee 
appeared,  and  a private  room  in  the  saloon  was  rented  for  them.  About  twenty-five 
minutes  after  ten  o’clock  the  committee  of  the  International  Union  went  from  this  room  to 
Levy’s  office.  Our  picket  immediately  came  over  notifying  us  that  they  went  in,  and  our 
committee  then  followed  them  to  that  office  and  took  part  in  the  conference.  We  believe 
that  if  we  had  not  come  into  this  conference  the  matter  would  have  been  settled  against 
us,  as  it  was  done  in  Kerbs  & Spiess’.  At  the  close  of  the  conference  the  manufacturers 
stated  they  would  meet  that  afternoon  in  Grand  Union  Hotel  and  decide.  Gompers  stepped 
up  and  said:  “Well,  Haller  and  Herman  will  be  there,  and  you  can  tell  them  your 
decision.”  Then  I said  : “ I am  representing  the  Progressive  Union,  and  I will  be  there 
also.”  This  shows  over  again  that  they  ignored  us  wherever  they  could,  even  in  the  presence 
of  the  manufacturers.  The  decision  was  that  if  Levy’s  shop  would  not  resume  work  or 
have  as  many  hands  as  they  needed  to  run  the  factory,  a lock-out  would  be  declared  within 
three  days.  By  the  influence  of  one  of  the  International  Unions,  (No.  10,)  the  Strike  Com- 
mittee wrote  a letter  inviting  us  to  their  meeting.  We  appointed  a committee  to  go  there, 
with  the  instruction  that  we  should  act  with  the  International  Union  to  make  this  fight  a 
success,  providing  the  trouble  existing  between  our  Union  and  the  International  Union  in 
the  shop  of  Kerbs  & Spiess’  be  settled  in  future  so  that  a Union  shop  should  consist  of 
Union  men,  irrespective  of  what  Union  they  belonged  to.  They  refused  that,  saying  that 
that  went  beyond  their  Constitution.  Mr.  Haller  was  the  main  leader  in  bringing  up  this 
argument,  thereby  enlarging  the  split.  We  then  went  home  and  made  up  our  minds  to 
fight  those  manufacturers,  but  we  were  also  aware  of  the  enemy  we  had  in  the  International 
Union. 

Thursday,  March  25,  ] 886. 

J.  Wolf,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testified  as  follows: 

Last  night  Mr.  Bliss  called  on  me  and  complained  that  he  was  not  yet  a member,  as  other 
people  who  had  given  their  names  after  him  to  L.  A.  2458  were  members  already.  The 
time  elapsing  from  the  time  I received  the  name  was  eight  days.  There  were  two  men  from 
Shortwell’s  shop.  The  boss  had  wanted  his  shop  to  organize  in  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and 
the  International  Union  collected  50  cents  from  each  man  in  the  shop.  Yesterday,  when 
those  two  asked  them  when  they  would  hear  from  the  Knights  of  Labor,  they  were  told  to 
bring  another  50  cents,  as  the  first  50  cents  was  for  the  International  Union,  and  that 
they  could  not  be  a Knight  of  Labor  unless  they  were  International  Union. 

I was  invited,  about  March  1st,  to  call  at  a meeting  at  Rose  Hill  Hall,  Second  avenue,  of 
the  International  Strippers’  and  Booker^’  Union,  to  explain  to  them  that  they  could  only  join 
the  Order  through  their  trade  Local — the  Good-will  Association.  We  could  not  get  the 
floor.  The  others — Gompers  and  the  Master  Workman  of  L.  A.  2458,  Dampf — then  declared 
openly  that  they  would  not  care  for  anybody  in  the  whole  Order,  but  take  in  anybody  working 
in  a cigar  factory  in  this  Local,  (2458.) 

Brother  McGuire'  District  Master  Workman,  notified  them  there  was  a trade  Local,  and 
they  must  go  into  it.  At  a public  meeting  on  Fourth  street,  in  Everett,  Sunday,  about  the 
first  of  this  month,  Strasser,  Haller  and  Gompers  addressed  the  meeting  and  denounced  D. 
A.  49  and  L.  A.  2814  as  composed  of  scabs ; and  said  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  were  mixed 
in  the  International  Union,  and  that  the  general  Order  would  have  to  denounce  their  actions. 


47 


New  York,  March  30,  1886. 

Jacob  Wolf,  called  in  belialf  of  tlie  Knights  of  Labor,  made  the  following  siatement : 

I received  a letter  last  night,  the  29th,  from  Lichtenstein  Lro.  & Co.,  complaining 
that  their  goods  are  boycotted  in  the  Pacific  Boycotter  as  tenement-house  cigars ; and  at  the 
same  time  he  gave  me  notice  that  he  had  considerable  loss  through  that,  and  the  result 
would  be  he  would  have  to  discharge  considerable  hands.  I wish  you  would  aid  me  some 
regarding  that.  This  is  a strict  Knights  of  Labor  shop,  and  does  not  employ  any  more 
tenement-house  workers  whatever.  In  fact,  we  have  not  a cigar  made  outside  of  this 
factory  in  any  tenement  house,  no  matter  what  may  be  said  to  the  contrary.  I will  also 
state  that  no  manufacturers’  employees  would  be  received  by  the  Knights  of  Labor,  of  this 
city,  until  they  had  signed  an  agreement  with  our  organization  that  they  would  forever  give 
up  tenement-house  labor  on  cigars. 

From  Newark,  New  Jersey,  I also  received  notice  from  the  firm  of  Bondy  &Lederer,  who 
manufacture  in  this  city.  New  York,  which  is  also  a strict  Knights  of  Labor  shop  under  the 
same  agreement  in  reference  to  tenement-housework  as  the  one  above  mentioned,  that  their 
goods  are  being  boycotted  by  the  members  of  our  Order  in  Newark,  New  Jersey,  without 
saying  that,  as  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  they  want  the  blue  label  of  the 
International  Union.  In  proof  of  the  above,  we  will  refer  you  to  the  following-named  job- 
ber : William  Wolf,  Market  street,  Newark,  N.  J.  And  such  notices  I am  in  receipt  of 
every  day,  wdierein  corrj])laints  are  made  that  members  of  our  Order  are  being  used  to  boy- 
cott cigars  bearing  the  white  label  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  by  the  false  statements  of  the 
representatives  of  the  International  Union  that  the  said  goods  were  the  products  of  scab 
factories  and  tenement  houses,  and  in  consequence  of  which  great  suffering  is  enforced  upon 
members  of  tlie  Knights  of  Labor  who  are  employed  in  the  cigar-making  trade  ; and  should 
tliis  continue,  it  will  compel  the  members  of  our  organization,  for  self-preservation,  to  with- 
draw from  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  become  attached  to  the  International  Cigar-makers’ 
Union  that  they  may  have  an  opportunity  to  live. 

I wish  to  make  a further  statement,  that  on  March  29th  I received  this  letter,  which  I 
hand  to  you,  with  the  following  statement  from  the  firm  named  in  the  letter : That,  when 
he  expressed  a desire  to  have  their  factory  organized  jus  a Knights  of  Labor  shop,  an  em- 
ployee of  theirs,  having  heard  that  he  had  sent  for  Mr.  Wolf,  said  that  he  would  take  the 
names  of  said  em{)loyees  and  have  them  made  Knights  of  Labor.  Tlie  firm,  not  knowing  of 
the  existing  trouble  between  the  general  Order  and  L.  A.  2458,  accepted  the  proposition  of 
this  one  man.  That  now,  after  the  shop  was  organized,  a committee  of  L.  A.  2458  calls  on 
the  firm,  telling  them  that  the  white  label  was  not  of  any  account  without  the  blue  label 
attached.  They  must  now  make  their  factory  an  International  Union  shop  also. 

The  firm  of  B.  A.  JShotwell  objected  to  that,  and  called  at  my  office  last  night  to  find  out  if 
I could  do  anything  for  him.  And  it  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  the  only  interest  that  L.  A.  2458 
has  is  to  advance  the  interest  of  the  International  Cigar-maker’  Union,  in  evidence 
of  which  I will  call  your  attention  to  a paper,  published  and  edited  by  members  of  L.  A. 
2458  and  the  International  Union,  Avherein  they  call  for  the  boycott  of  all  the  cigars  not 
bearing  the  blue  label  of  the  International  Cigar-makers’  Union.  The  title  of  said  paper  is 
The  Picket,  a weekly,  edited  by  Samuel  Gompers. 

I would  here  submit  a card  of  a member  who  is  credited  with  being  initiated  March  17th, 
1886,  but  who  is  willing  to  make  affidavit  that  she  was  never  inside  of  the  Assembly  room, 
nor  received  any  form  of  initiation,  or  has  any  knowledge  whatever  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor.  I am  also  prepared  to  bring  several  cases  similar  to  the  one  above  mentioned; 

Have  also  received  a request  from  Simon  Merzbach,  of  No.  743  Third  avenue,  New  York, 
asking  to  have  his  factory  organized  as  a Knights  of  Labor  shop,  that  he  might  use  our 
label,  he  claiming  that  the  label  of  the  International  Union,  which  he  has,  is  not  a sufficient 
recommendation  of  his  cigars.  Upon  investigation,  I find  that  the  prices  paid  in  this  shop, 
which  is  an  International  shop,  are  from  $1  to  a §1.50  less  than  is  paid  under  the  agreement 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  made  by  factories  that  have  become  strictly  Knights  of  Labor 
shops,  which  is  conclusive  proof  that  the  International  Union  have  no  regular  or  equal  scale 
of  prices  for  goods  or  for  cigars  made  in  this  city,  there  being  a difference  of  from  ^1  to 
11.50  paid  in  the  various  shops. 

David  Sommer,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testified  as  follows  : 

I am  a cigar-maker  in  the  firm  of  Sutro  & Newniark,  and  have  belonged  to  L.  A. 
2814  about  five  months.  Some  of  my  friends  requested  me  to  propose  them  in  the  Assem- 


blv,  (2814,)  bnt  four  days  later  they  came  to  me  and  told  me  to  take  them  off  the  list, 
asked  them  why,  but  they  did  not  answer  me  satisfactorily,  and  so  I let  the  matter  dr<|jj 
until  Saturday,  wlien  I heard  rumors  going  around  that  we  were  going  to  be  railroaded,  ai|{ 


present 
was  opened. 


meeting.  J went  into  the  meeting  of  L.  A.  24o8  and  waited  until  the  meeti%!5 
They  came  around  to  take  the  pas^-word,  and  I was  called  over  to  the  Mast')'.!’ 


room  I saw  members  of  L.  A.  2814  wdio  were  expelled  by  that  Local,  and  as  I went  out  of 
meeting  I saw  all  of  those  who  gave  me  their  names  only  four  days  before,  and  I knoyiif%|k»’^ 
they  only  gave  their  names  to  L.  A.  2458  two  or  three  days  before  the  meeting.  I also  wie||)^^ 


to  say  that  1 began  to  work  in  Kerbs  & Spiess’  shop  a few  days  before  the  lock-out.  When  « 
had  been  working  about  a week,  the  International  Union  came  to  ihe  and  said  I would  ha'| 
to  join  it.  They  said  it  made  no  difference,  1 had  to  join  the  International  Union.  ]| 
order  to  keep  my  job,  I joined.  So  afterwards  when  they  were  trying  to  organize  the  shc| 
into  a Knights  of  Labor,  and  found  out  that  I was  a member  of  L.  A.  2814,  they  would  on|| 
let  me  work  by  giving  me  bad  work,  and  so  I had  to  leave. 

Q.  Who  told  you  that  you  must  join  the  International  Union? 

A.  The  shop  President,  the  Secretary  of  the  International  Union,  and  the  foreman. 

Q.  Are  you  a member  of  the  International  Union  yet?- 
A.  Ko,  sir  ; only  while  I was  in  the  shop. 

Q.  I)icl  you  ever  -visit  a meeting  of  the  International  Union? 

A.  No,  sir.  When  I went  to  the  shop  meeting  of  the  International  Union,  I was  expellej 
because  I would  not  pay  strike  benefits  to  strike  against  members  of  L.  A.  2814.  I ' 
member  four  weeks  then,  and  had  paid  one  dollar.  [See  International  Receipt  Book,  Doc.  l|" 

H.  Froderman,  a witness  called  for  the  Progressive  Union,  testified  as  follows : r 

I work  in  a store  on  the  Bowery.  jVbout  seven  men  were  working  there  one  day  whet’ 
the  boss  came  and  asked  for  labels,  because  his  customers  wanted  cigars  with  labels.  I sai;i;S|;p;;, 

I would  bring  labels  from  the  Progressive  Union.  I brought  them.  The  next  week 
came  again  and  said  he  didn’t  want  those  red  labels  ; he  wanted  the  blue  label.  I told  hij;!|||s 
the  boss  labels  were  the  Knights  of  Labor  labels.  He  asked  me  if  I was  a member  of  tlg;i'''‘ 
Knights  of  Labor.  I said  yes  ; and  then  he  asked  me  if  he  could  get  those  labels.  I sai^l 
yes,  if  all  the  men  -who  make  the  cigars  were  Knights  of  Labor.  For  a few  days  he  sai:|| 
nothing  to  me  ; then  he  sent  the  foreman  to  me  and  asked  me  if  I had  decided  to  go  int)|t 
the  International  Union.  I said  -no  ; I was  a member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  did 
want  to  join  the  International  Union.  I was  then  at  the  time  discharged  for  not  going 

the  International  Union.  The  boss  said  to  them  : “ Men,  it  is  aG d^ shame  if  I niu  '*? 

discharge  a man  who  has  worked  for  me  three  years  on  account  of  the  InternationayP-Hl 
Union.”  ^ 

Q.  Who  were  the  members  of  the  International  Union  who  requested  your  discharge? 

A.  M.  Cohen  and  li.  Grings.  ' ' 

Q.  Plow  long  have  you  been  a member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  About  three  years. 

Do  you  know  if  either  of  these  two  men  were  Knights  of  Labor  ? 

A.  Yes;  H.  Grings  was  a member  of  L.  A.  2814. 

N.  Thielen,  a witness  called  for  the  Knights  of  Labor,  testified  as  follows: 

Am  a cigar-maker,  working  in  Love’s  shop,  and  Secretary  of  L.  A.  2814.  On  Febiuai 
20th,  1886,  I notified  L.  A.  2458  that  Ave  had  charges  against  Bernard  Davis,  Oscar  GitnejS 
Fred.  Haller  and  H.  Dimand ; and,  on  March  8th,  Brother  Davis,  in  the  presence  of  tv|^ 
members,  said  he  was  a member  of  L.  A.  2458. 

Q.  What  were  the  charges,  and  were  they  presented  to  the  members? 

A.  For  betraying  the  business  of  our  Local.  They  were  suspended  by  the  Local  at 
full  meeting,  with  all  members  of  the  Court  present,  pending  trial,  as  we  had  no  time  ti| 
take  up  the  matter  then.  [See  Minutes.] 

J.  P.  Oppeniieimer,  of  Levy  Bros.’,  states  positively  he  knew  of  jobbers  in  this  city  whS' 
were  selling  tenement-house  cigars,  and  always  held  large  packages  of  the  lnternatiom!| 
Cigar-makers’  Union  labels,  which  they  used  to  put  on  boxes  for  those  of  their  cnstome].| 
who  demanded  Union-made  goods.  Those  labels  were  given  by  parties  who  held  the  labcj| 
for  the  Union,  and  for  a consideration — cannot  say  how  much. 


